1^VV7  - 

CM  \ ^ 


The 


Situation  in  China 


A Report  to  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  of 
an  OflBcial  Visit  by 

REV.  RALPH  E.  DIFFENDORFER,  D.D. 

Corresponding  Secretary 


PRESENTED  TO  THE  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  BOARD 

JULY  21,  1927 
NEW  YORK  CITY 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Columbia  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/situationinchinaOOdiff 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 

It  was  not  until  we  reached  Manila,  on  March  31,  and  met  there 
our  mission^ies  from  South  China  that  we  had  any  intimation  what- 
ever of  the  extent,  significance,  and  effect  of  recent  events  in  China. 
Throughout  our  three  and  one-half  months  of  journeying  in  India, 
except  for  occasional  reflections  in  the  periodicals  from  America,  al- 
ways four  to  six  weeks  old,  we  would  not  have  known  that  there  v/as 
anything  unusual  happening  in  China.  Short  paragraphs  in  the  press 
from  Reuter’s  brought  the  only  news  we  had;  “General  So-and-So  ad- 
vanced— ’’ ; “The  Powers  were  in  Conference — etc.  The  nationalist 
ipress  in  India,  dependent  upon  the  same  source,  with  bits  of  informa- 
tion secured  through  their  own  channels,  confined  themselves  largely 
to  comments  on  the  bearings  of  the  revolution  in  China  on  their  own 
nationalist  aspirations. 

When  we  left  Burma,  on  February  4,  we  still  expected  to  carry  out 
our  full  itinerary  in  China.  Indeed,  in  Burma  we  received  letters  from 
Bishop  Wallace  Brown  and  missionaries  in  Fukien  outlining  our  itin- 
erary for  a two  weeks’  visit  to  the  interior  stations. 

On  February  7,  we  were  in  Singapore  at  the  closing  session  of  the 
Malaya  Conference,  and  on  the  eleventh  we  left  Singapore  for  Java. 
During  these  few  days  in  Singapore,  the  report  had  come  that  Dr. 
Hu’s  hospital  of  the  Woman’s  Foreign  Missionary  Society  in  Foochow 
had  been  looted  and  that  she  was  probably  then  in  Singapore.  The 
reasons  given  for  the  attack  seem  to  indicate  no  anti-foreign  or  anti- 
Christian  feeling.  When  we  returned  to  Singapore  from  Java  and 
South  Sumatra,  on  February  28,  we  had  no  additional  information, 
except  that  letters,  coming  through  from  Chinese  in  South  China  to 
Chinese  in  Singapore,  indicated  that  there  were  serious  troubles  in 
their  country. 

On  March  5,  when  we  visited  Douglas  Coole  at  Sitiawan  in  the 
Malay  peninsula,  we  learned  through  a letter  from  Dr.  T.  H.  Coole, 
of  Foochow,  who  was  one  of  the  missionary  refugees  in  Manila,  that 
there  had  been  a general  evacuation  of  missionaries  from  South  China. 
We  then  went  to  North  Sumatra  and  did  not  again  return  to  Singapore 
until  March  17,  and  left  for  North  Borneo  and  the  Philippines  on 
March  19,  a twelve  days’  voyage.  On  March  28,  at  Sandakan,  North 
Borneo,  after  we  had  embarked  on  an  Australian  boat  for  Manila,  the 
wireless  operator  gave  us  a confused  and  garbled  message  concerning 
“the  capture  of  Shanghai  and  the  bombardment  of  the  city  with  the 
loss  of  many  Chinese  and  foreign  lives.’’  We  discovered  later  that  this 
message  referred  to  the  Nanking  disaster  of  March  24. 

The  chief  interest  in  these  facts  is  in  the  way  news  of  the  upheaval 
in  China  apparently  is  being  censored,  only  a slight  indication  of  the 
estimate  given  in  some  quarters  of  the  possible  effect  of  what  is  hap- 
pening in  China  on  the  destinies  of  the  people  of  Asia  and  their  gov- 
ernments. 


3 


4 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


In  Manila,  letters  came  through  from  Shanghai  telling  of  the 
Nanking  outrage  and  the  newspapers  were  discussing  the  reaction  of 
the  Powers  to  the  Nanking  affair.  During  our  two  weeks  in  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands,  our  China  missionaries  revealed  a confused  and  chaotic 
state  of  mind,  and  a wide  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  wisdom  and 
necessity  for  the  evacuation  and  to  the  possibility  of  return.  We  were 
getting  quite  opposite  messages  from  Foochow  as  to  the  possibility  of 
visiting  Fukien  at  all,  and  finally  concluded  to  go  to  Hongkong,  to  dis- 
cover what  could  be  done  and  to  receive  there  messages  as  to  proce- 
dure. Upon  our  arrival  in  Hongkong,  a message  from  Bishop  Brown 
reported  that  he  had  left  Foochow  for  Shanghai  to  see  Mrs.  Brown 
on  board  ship  for  America,  and  suggested  that  we  come  to  Shanghai 
for  conference  with  a few  of  his  men.  We  also  had  urgent  appeals 
from  our  missionaries  and  Chinese  in  Foochow  to  make  every  effort 
to  visit  them.  This  was  the  Saturday  before  Easter.  We  engaged 
passage  on  a ship  sailing  for  Foochow  on  the  Tuesday  morning  after 
Easter,  April  19.  We  had  concluded  that  as  long  as  any  of  our  mis- 
sionaries were  in  China  and  felt  that  they  needed  and  desired  our 
presence,  it  was  the  duty  and  the  privilege  of  a Secretary  of  the  Board 
of  Foreign  Missions  to  go  to  them  at  any  cost.  In  the  meantime  the 
American  Consul  at  Foochow  had  given  his  consent  to  our  going,  and 
later  told  me  we  had  done  our  duty  in  visiting  Foochow  to  see,  for 
ourselves,  the  conditions  under  the  new  nationalist  regime. 

In  Canton 

On  Saturday,  in  Hongkong,  we  found  the  night  and  day  boats  to 
Canton  running,  and  after  inquiry  at  the  local  steamship  office,  together 
with  consultation  with  a British  army  officer  in  our  hotel,  the  Chinese 
manager  of  our  hotel,  and  the  manager  of  the  American  Express  Com- 
pany, all  of  whom  said  we  probably  would  find  Canton  quiet,  we  de- 
cided to  take  the  Saturday  night  boat  up  the  Pearl  river  to  Canton  and 
to  spend  Easter  day  there. 

On  Sunday  morning,  at  breakfast  on  the  boat  approaching  Canton, 
we  met  a refugee  missionary  who  was  just  returning  to  Canton  after 
several  weeks’  absence,  to  conduct  the  Easter  services  at  the  Church 
of  England  in  Shameen,  the  foreign  concession.  This  service  was  a 
Parade  Service,  attended  by  a company  of  British  soldiers,  six  women 
and  a dozen  foreign  civilian  men.  Then  we  went  into  the  Chinese 
city  to  our  Canton  Methodist  Church,  for  their  12  o’clock  Easter  serv- 
ice. It  will  be  remembered  that  this  church  in  Canton  is  an  outgrowth 
of  work  among  the  Chinese  in  New  York  City  and  in  California,  and 
is  independent  of  our  Annual  Conferences  in  China.  It  is  now  a self- 
supporting  church  and  has,  through  its  own  efforts,  opened  eighteen 
preaching  places  and  Sunday  schools,  some  of  them  the  beginnings  of 
other  independent  congregations.  We  found  a congregation  of  about 
seventy-five,  of  whom  two  thirds  or  more  were  men.  At  the  close  of 
the  service,  the  pastor  greeted  me  very  heartily  and  called  a young 
Chinese,  an  American-trained  doctor  who  knew  English.  We  were 
also  greeted  by  the  pastor  of  our  Chinese  congregation  in  Sacramento, 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


5 


California,  who  had  come  to  Canton  to  get  his  wife  and  family  to  take 
them  to  America.  The  young  doctor  had  spent  thirteen  years  in  the 
United  States,  studying  at  Asbury  College,  Emory  University,  and 
George  Washington  University,  having  completed  his  medical  course, 
with  two  years  of  interneship  and  a year  of  special  training  in  surgery. 
He  is  now  the  president  of  the  Kwong  Wah  Medical  College  in  Canton, 
a Chinese  institution  independent  of  foreign  control  from  the  begin- 
ning, financed  and  built  by  Chinese  money,  entirely  staffed  by  Chinese 
medical  men,  mostly  Christians,  with  a student  body  of  150  young  men 
and  women.  He  is  also  superintendent  of  the  medical  school  hospital. 
He  and  his  wife  invited  us  to  lunch  with  them  at  a Chinese  restaurant. 

We  walked  up  Taiping  Road,  a modern  thoroughfare  marked  out 
and  cut  through  the  heart  of  the  city  west  from  the  river  front,  one 
of  the  improvements  of  the  commission  form  of  government  estab- 
lished six  years  ago  under  Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen.  A few  minutes  later 
found  us  on  the  third  floor  of  a large  Chinese  public  eating  house,  in  a 
little  alcove  behind  closed  screens.  There,  during  the  process  of  Our 
first  Chinese  meal  in  China,  this  young  doctor  gave  us  our  first  con- 
nected account  of  what  was  happening  in  China.  He  also  told  us  of  the 
proclamation  posted  throughout  the  city,  that  on  April  12  there  was 
to  begin  a general  massacre  of  all  the  foreigners  in  China,  to  be  com- 
pleted about  the  sixteenth.  Good  Friday.  On  the  way  to  the  restaurant 
we  passed  under  bamboo  arches  that  were  being  erected  on  main  thor- 
oughfares for  the  celebration  of  the  event.  Following  these  proclama- 
tions, there  had  been  almost  a complete  exodus  of  foreigners  from 
Canton.  Nothing  happened  on  the  twelfth  nor  on  any  day  following, 
until  early  on  the  morning  of  Good  Friday,  April  16,  when  General 
Chiang  Kai  Shek  turned  the  tables  and  inaugurated  his  campaign  to 
exterminate  the  Communist  radicals  from  Kuomintang.  It  was  re- 
ported that  on  Good  Friday  morning,  between  200  and  300  Communists 
were  executed  in  Canton,  more  than  1,000  were  put  in  prison,  and  1,500 
labor  agitators  were  being  held  prisoners  in  two  large  unfinished  office 
buildings.  On  the  way  to  our  Chinese  restaurant,  as  we  turned  into 
Taiping  Road,  we  saw  in  the  block  ahead  of  us  hundreds  of  Chinese 
working  men  filling  the  street.  On  both  sides  of  this  street,  in  the 
heart  of  Canton’s  best  business  district,  two  six-story  modern  office 
buildings  were  in  the  process  of  construction  by  a group  of  wealthy 
Chinese,  each  building  costing  about  $500,000  Mex.  When  these  build- 
ings were  nearing  completion,  they  were  taken  over  by  the  Communist 
laborers  employed  on  them,  and  turned  into  living  quarters  and  labor 
union  headquarters.  These  fine  new  buildings  gave  every  appearance 
of.  crowded  tenements.  On  Friday  morning,  nationalist  troops  seized 
the  two  buildings,  put  guards  at  all  the  entrances,  and  the  occupants 
became  prisoners.  On  Sunday  morning,  as  we  passed  through,  we 
saw  the  imprisoned  working  men  letting  ropes  down  from  the  windows 
of  .the  stories  above,  with  baskets  attached,  and  pulling  up  food  and 
clothing  furnished  by  friends  on  the  street. 

It  was  this  campaign  against  the  radical  element  that  relieved  the 
tension  of  the  city,  made  it  quiet  and  orderly,  if  not  friendly.  Seated 


6 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


in  this  Canton  restaurant  on  Easter  day,  this  young  educated  and 
intensely  patriotic  physician  and  surgeon  gave  his  view  of  the  general 
situation  in  China.  In  Exhibit  “A,”  on  page  37  of  this  report,  will 
be  found  some  paragraphs  from  the  stenographic  notes  of  this  conver- 
sation. 

On  Sunday  evening  we  spent  several  hours  in  conference  with 
some  of  the  missionaries  from  the  Union  Theological  Seminary  of 
Canton.  On  Monday  morning  we  went  down  the  river  to  the  campus 
of  Canton  Christian  College.  It  was  guarded  at  all  entrances  by  na- 
tionalist troops.  We  had  to  secure  passes  from  the  officer  at  the  main 
entrance,  and  give  up  the  passes  upon  our  exit.  All  the  members  of 
the  faculty  and  the  president.  Dr.  Henry,  were  required  to  observe 
this  rule.  The  university  had  been  closed  for  about  two  weeks,  due 
to  labor  difficulties.  The  labor  group  had  made  demand  after  demand 
which  the  university  had  met,  and  finally  all  the  employees  of  various 
kinds  at  the  university  were  organized  into  one  labor  union.  These 
included  the  men  in  the  pump  house,  the  electricians,  the  gardeners, 
the  servants  in  the  homes  of  the  faculty,  both  Chinese  and  foreign,  and 
the  clerks,  stenographers  and  bookkeepers  in  the  university  offices. 

A good  illustration  of  labor  difficulties  in  Canton  at  the  present 
time  is  indicated  by  the  situation  at  the  college  pump  house.  After  the 
erection  of  the  new  pumping  station,  there  had  been  employed  a good, 
faithful  Chinese  to  run  the  pumps.  Some  months  ago  he  came  to  the 
university  authorities  and  said  that  he  would  have  to  have  another  man 
on  the  pumps,  that  he  was  working  too  long  hours,  and  that  the  labor 
union  had  decided  that  there  should  be  two  men  for  a shift  instead  of 
one.  The  university  complied  and  things  went  along  as  usual.  Then 
the  two  pump  men  came  and  said  they  would  have  to  have  a nan  to 
cook  their  meals  for  them  while  they  were  at  work  during  the  day. 
Again  the  university  authorities  complied.  The  cook  was  provided  and 
the  pumps  were  again  operating,  when  one  day  it  was  discovered  that 
the  two  pump  men  had  retired  from  business  and  out  of  their  salaries 
had  employed  the  cook  to  run  the  pumps ! 

The  university  was  finally  forced  to  close  its  doors.  When  the 
announcement  was  made,  there  were  over  700  students  in  attendance. 
All  but  a few  of  them  voted  to  keep  the  university  going,  the  students 
volunteering  to  do  the  work  of  the  servants  on  the  grounds.  Dr.  Henry 
pointed  out  that  this  loyalty  on  the  part  of  the  students  shows  that 
they  have  passed  through  a two-year  period  of  agitation,  unrest  and 
impossible  demands  upon  the  part  of  the  student  body.  The  students, 
of  course,  did  not  find  themselves  capable  of  doing  all  the  kinds  of 
work  that  had  to  be  done.  When  we  visited  Canton,  the  university 
was  in  consultation  with  city  and  labor  union  officials,  looking  toward 
a possible  settlement.  During  our  visit  there  we  studied  the  plan  for 
the  reorganization  of  the  university  in  order  to  meet  the  requirements 
for  registration  under  the  nationalist  government,  our  first  introduc- 
tion to  that  problem.  At  the  College,  all  the  requirements  had  been  met. 
There  was  a Chinese  board  of  managers,  a Chinese  president,  and  a 
plan  worked  out  whereby  the  former  Board  of  Trustees  in  New  York 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


7 


should  become  an  American  Foundation,  and  should,  under  certain 
conditions,  rent  the  property  in  Canton  to  the  Board  of  Managers  in 
China  at  $i.oo  a year.  Dr.  Henry,  with  far-sighted  vision,  has  taken 
a lesser  post  in  the  university  in  order  to  preserve  the  contacts  and  the 
support  of  the  university’s  American  constituency.  In  making  these 
adaptations,  and  in  anticipating  the  revolution  and  its  meaning  for  edu- 
cation in  China,  the  university  has  not  had  the  unanimous  support  of 
the  foreign  community  in  South  China,  especially  in  Canton  and  Hong- 
kong, as  we  discovered  in  conversations  with  army  officers  and  business 
men.  Canton  Christian  College,  now  known  as  Lingnan  University,  has 
incurred  for  itself  the  reputation  of  being  exceedingly  “radical  and  un- 
safe,” when  as  a matter  of  fact,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  college 
authorities,  it  was  merely  adapting  itself  to  inevitable  conditions,  and 
stabilizing  itself  in  Chinese  life  in  preparation  for  even  larger  service 
to  the  Chinese  community. 

Later,  on  Monday,  we  visited  the  Kwong  Wah  medical  college 
and  hospital,  drove  throughout  the  city  over  the  newly  constructed 
streets,  saw  the  National  University,  the  public  parks,  the  playgrounds, 
and  the  fine  new  outdoor  amphitheater  and  stadium,  heard  and  dis- 
cussed further  plans  for  the  development  of  modern  sewerage  and  sani- 
tation systems,  health  education,  and  other  schemes  of  this  progressive 
southern  city. 

It  was  interesting  to  us  to  observe  that  the  one  American  woman 
missionary  who  did  not  leave  her  post  in  Canton  is  instructor  in  Eng- 
lish literature  at  the  National  University.  She  has  gone  to  and  fro 
day  after  day  to  her  work,  and  testifies  that  her  contacts  there  with  the 
nationalists  are  worth  more  to  her  and  her  future  service  to  the  Chris- 
tian movement  than  all  of  her  previous  years  in  China. 

We  shall  never  cease  to  be  grateful  that  our  first  contact  with 
China  was  in  Canton.  It  is  decidedly  a Chinese  city,  the  foreign  con- 
cession, Shameen,  being  a limited  area  on  an  island  in  the  river.  Signs 
of  progress  were  in  evidence  everywhere.  The  people  seemed  to  believe 
in  the  revolution  and  in  the  future  of  China.  In  Canton  one  felt  the 
spirit  of  the  Nationalist  Movement,  which  was  not  repressed  by  any 
outside  influences.  The  missionaries  from  America,  England,  Australia 
and  New  Zealand  with  whom  we  talked  all  shared  this  buoyant  hope. 
While  recognizing  the  difficulties  and  the  excuses,  they  were  also  clear 
in  the  conviction  that  nothing  can  withstand  or  check  the  evolution  of 
national  consciousness  in  a great  but  hitherto  politically  dormant  people. 

In  Foocho^v 

The  three-day  sail  from  Hongkong  to  Foochow  included  a day’s 
stop  at  Swatow  and  a day  at  Amoy.  We  found  Swatow  under  martial 
law,  the  raid  on  the  Communists  having  started  the  night  before,  when 
thirty-five  were  reported  executed,  twelve  of  them  publicly.  At 
Amoy,  there  had  been  executions  a plenty.  We  went  ashore  but  found 
few  foreigners.  On  Friday  morning,  April  22,  we  were  anchored  in 
the  Min  River  below  the  city  of  Foochow. 

The  missionaries  from  Foochow,  in  a special  launch,  gave  us  a 


8 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


welcome  even  before  our  ship  from  Hongkong  had  found  suitable 
anchorage  in  the  river.  As  we  stepped  to  the  rail,  we  saw  a pert  little 
steam  launch  making  circles  around  us,  with  a dozen  handkerchiefs 
wig-wagging  an  enthusiastic  “Glad  to  see  you !”  What  we  lacked  in 
numbers,  we  made  up  in  vigor  as  we  returned  the  signals. 

They  came  up  the  gangway  like  a boarding  party,  and  we  found 
ourselves  surrounded  by  a happy  crowd  of  men  and  women  who  had 
been  worried  for  fear  we  would  be  frightened  out  of  a visit  to  Foochow. 
Visitors  to  Foochow  were  not  numerous  during  those  days  of  active 
anti-Christian  and  anti-foreign  propaganda,  and  the  American  Consul 
had  ordered  all  American  women  and  children  to  leave,  allowing  only 
those  men  and  single  women  to  remain  who  were  essential  to  the  con- 
duct of  institutions. 

The  launch  was  able  to  take  us  all  and  our  luggage,  and  we  started 
from  Pagoda  anchorage  up  the  twelve  miles  of  shallow  water  to  the 
city  of  Foochow.  There  were  several  prominent  Chinese  in  our  party, 
most  distinguished  among  whom  was  Mr.  Hu,  a Christian  layman  of 
the  highest  quality,  a gray  haired  man  who  has  never  had  the  advantage 
of  a foreign  education,  but  whose  precise  English  puts  to  shame  the 
slang  of  some  of  the  younger  generation  who  have  returned  from  years 
of  study  in  America. 

The  trip  up  to  Foochow  that  day  in  the  launch  was  a combination 
picnic  and  pilgrimage.  We  stopped  first  at  an  island  where  the  Ameri- 
can Board  has  located  a splendid  hospital,  and  met  two  of  our  own 
missionary  families  from  the  interior,  living  there  under  refugee  con- 
ditions. In  one  case,  a single  room  made  dining  room,  living  room  and 
bed-room  facilities  for  a family  of  four.  Whatever  the  inconveniences, 
or  whatever  the  uncertainties  concerning  the  future  we  found  no  bit- 
terness of  resentment  against  the  Chinese  people.  Our  second  stop 
was  about  noon,  on  another  island  which  was  occupied  by  a small 
fishing  village,  and  where  we  had  some  good  Chinese  food  for  which 
Foochow  is  famous.  Our  third  stop  was  half-way  to  Foochow  at 
the  campus  of  Fukien  Christian  University,  the  beautiful  new  build- 
ings with  Chinese  architecture  which  we  had  seen  on  their  high  promon- 
tory long  before  we  reached  the  landing  place.  After  a brief  stop  we 
started  off  again  toward  our  destination,  the  large  island  of  Nan  Tai 
in  the  Min  River,  opposite  the  old  walled  city  of  Foochow. 

Just  as  our  launch  got  out  into  mid-stream,  some  one  spied  a fa- 
miliar Chinese  figure  hurrying  along  the  bank,  and  we  turned  back 
to  pick  up  Ding  Nguong  Lung,  teacher  at  the  university  and  pastor 
of  our  fine  congregation  at  the  Church  of  the  Heavenly  Rest,  in  the 
city  of  Foochow.  It  was  our  first  meeting  with  the  man  whose  life 
has  been  threatened,  against  whom  proclamations  have  been  posted, 
and  who  recently  had  to  flee  into  the  country  and  remain  in  hiding 
after  an  anti-foreign  mob  had  broken  into  his  home,  searching  for  him, 
stealing  some  of  his  private  possessions  and  badly  frightening  his  wife 
and  children.  Less  than  thirty-five  years  of  age,  this  young  preacher, 
with  the  best  training  of  Syracuse  and  Columbia  universities  to  his  credit, 
has  gone  into  his  pulpit  Sunday  after  Sunday  in  the  face  of  hy.sterical 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


9 


opposition  in  the  non-Christian  community  and  preached  a social  gospel 
that  demanded  the  application  of  the  principles  of  Jesus  to  the  present 
difficulties  in  China.  He  is  a marked  man,  marked  as  a target  for 
those  who  are  out  to  “get”  anyone  who  holds  an  opinion  different  from 
their  own,  and  marked  for  a place  of  prophetic  leadership  in  the  future 
Church  of  China. 

Our  chief  topic  of  conversation  on  the  launch  was  whether  or 
not  the  Christian  institutions  ought  to  register  under  the  educational 
requirements  of  the  new  government,  and  we  found  that  in  the  Foo- 
chow community  this  was  the  subject  of  greatest  moment  not  only  to 
the  missionary  leaders  of  our  Methodist  institutions,  but  to  the  Chinese 
pastors,  the  Chinese  staffs  of  those  institutions,  and  above  all  to  the 
students.  This  question  has  become  one  of  those  concrete  issues 
which  determine  in  times  of  transition  whether  one  is  “for”  or  “against” 
a,  regime. 

The  conditions  under  which  a school  is  permitted  to  register, 
briefly,  are  (i)  a Chinese  president;  (2)  a Chinese  board  of  managers; 
(3)  voluntary  religious  instruction;  and  (4)  party  education  for  the 
Kuomintang  to  be  carried  on  within  the  school.*  There  would  be 
little  or  no  question  about  the  acceptance  of  these  condition,  were  there 
not  a number  of  extremely  irritating  and  almost  preposterous  “riders” 
attached  to  these  national  requirements  by  the  local  extremist  admin- 
istration. The  total  number  of  regulations  in  Fukien  province  has 
grown  to  seventeen,  and  school  administrators  quite  naturally  wonder 
how  many  more  may  be  saddled  upon  them  if  they  quiescently  accept 
without  protest  restrictions  which  in  effect  will  choke  off  religious 
liberty  and  academic  freedom. 

Our  going  to  Foochow  was  of  the  greatest  significance  for  the 
Christian  community  just  at  this  point.  We  were  able  on  several  occa- 
sions to  show  them  that  there  were  far  larger  issues  confronting  them 
than  whether  or  not  the  Christian  schools  should  register.  They  must 
make  sure  that  in  the  principles  of  this  new  nationalist  government 
the  right  of  private  education  is  maintained,  that  religious  liberty  is 
guaranteed,  that  academic  freedom  is  not  denied,  and  that  the  govern- 
ment actually  became  what  it  purported  to  be,  representative  of  the 
people. 

The  number  of  junks  and  house-boats  in  the  river  increased; 
launches  and  tugs  dodged  here  and  there  in  the  traffic,  the  smell  of 
fish  and  river  shipping  became  more  acute,  the  houses  at  the  water 
front  crowded  upon  each  other  taking  up  every  available  foot  of  light 
and  space:  we  had  arrived  at  Foochow.  Up  the  river  a short  distance 
from  our  landing  place  on  Nan  Tai  stretched  the  stone  spans  of  the 
picturesque  bridge  of  Ten  Thousand  Ages,  uniting  the  land  on  which 
we  were  disembarking  with  the  mainland  and  Foochow.  Traffic  was 
too  thick  for  us  to  get  to  the  dock  itself ; we  tied  up  as  close  as  we 
could,  and  still  had  to  clamber  over  two  good-sized  native  boats  to  get 

* For  full  text  of  registration  conditions  pertaining  in  Fukien  in  April,  1927,  see 
Exhibit  B,  page  38, 


lO 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


to  terra  firma.  Then  through  the  narrow  streets  of  a native  bazaar 
at  the  water  front,  up  a series  of  stone  steps  to  the  high  ridge  of  the 
island  where  the  principal  foreign  residences  and  institutions  are 
located.  Most  of  the  men  were  without  their  wives  in  the  missionary- 
community,  and  the  Wiants  were  practically  the  only  ones  equipped  to 
take  care  of  guests,  so  we  not  only  took  up  our  abode  with  them,  but 
their  home  was  used  for  several  of  the  receptions  and  missionary  gath- 
erings held  during  our  stay.  The  weather  was  cool  and  delightful, 
much  like  the  early  spring  in  America,  a welcome  contrast  to  the  heat 
we  had  endured  through  Malaysia  and  the  Philippines.  The  weather 
made  a remarkable  difference,  for  we  found  ourselves  at  once  with 
more  energy  and  ability  to  go  through  long  hours  of  sustained  effort. 

No  program  that  we  have  been  asked  to  follow  anywhere  was  better 
laid  out  than  the  one  for  our  eight  days  in  Foochow.  It  began  at  8 
o’clock  on  Friday  night,  April  22,  the  day  of  our  arrival,  with  an  in- 
formal conference  between  a few  of  the  Chinese  Christian  leaders  and 
the  missionaries  of  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions.  At  this  meeting, 
the  missionaries  and  Chinese  proposed  the  major  topics  which  they 
would  like  to  have  considered  during  our  visit  to  Foochow,  as  well  as 
specific  questions  they  wanted  answered.*  Into  the  atmosphere  of 
gloom  and  concern  over  their  own  affairs  in  Foochow  and  Fukien,  we 
at  once  injected  a little  optimism  by  relating  the  situation  we  had 
found  in  India,  in  Malaysia,  particularly  Java  and  Sumatra,  and  in 
the  Philippine  Islands  where  people  are  all  astir,  showing  signs  of  new 
life  and  new  hope,  confronting  the  Christian  enterprise  with  new  prob- 
lems in  every  country,  just  as  they  are  doing  in  China.  We  told  them 
also  the  thrilling  story  of  the  work  of  the  Rhenish  Mission  among  the 
Battaks  in  North  Sumatra,  where,  in  sixty  years  of  concentrated  effort, 
they  have  transformed  a population  of  savage  cannibals  into  a law- 
abiding  Christian  community  of  churches  and  schools,  that  represents 
one  of  the  most  inspiring  victories  of  Christian  Missions  in  the  whole 
world.  It  is  good  to  remember  at  times  that,  in  the  face  of  insuperable 
obstacles,  great  things  have  been  wrought  through  the  Gospel  of  Christ 
in  Asia,  and  even  greater  things  can  yet  be  done. 

From  eight  to  twelve  on  Saturday  morning,  we  made  a tour  of 
the  Christian  institutions  in  Nan  Tai.  In  order  that  we  might  get  a 
bird’s-eye  view  of  the  layout,  we  were  taken  to  the  fire  tower  on  the 
top  of  the  hill  of  the  Fox  Devil’s  Spirit.  We  saw  the  thirty  mile  long 
island  of  Nan  Tai,  a huge  elbow  in  the  Min  River  high  and  rocky  at 
the  point  where  we  stood,  sloping  to  rice  fields  and  Chinese  villages 
both  before  and  behind.  It  was  to  this  high  and  desolate  eminence 
that  the  “foreign  barbarians”  were  consigned  by  the  arrogant  Manchus 
in  the  days  when  the  Honorable  John  Company  was  trying  to  extend 
its  business  from  India  to  China.  In  those  days  there  was  only  a small 
fishing  village  at  the  Nan  Tai  end  of  the  bridge  of  Ten  Thousand  Ages, 
with  other  native  villages  in  the  rice  growing  section  of  the  island.  The 
foreigners  took  the  unpromising,  rocky  high  ground,  transformed  it  into 


For  complete  list,  see  Exhibit  C,  page  43. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


II 


a city  of  pleasant  streets  and  substantial  buildings,  and,  today,  the 
property  is  the  most  valuable  of  anything  in  that  region.  From  our  emi- 
nence we  could  see  the  bridge  running  from  Nan  Tai  to  the  mainland, 
resting  midway  upon  a small,  thickly  congested  island  in  the  river. 
Along  the  shore  line  on  the  mainland  was  a thickly  populated  section 
at  the  water  front,  then  a narrow  carriage  road  of  high  ground  extend- 
ing across  rice  fields  to  the  old  walled  city  of  Foochow,  which  is  still, 
today,  the  social  and  political  center  for  the  Chinese  life  of  Fukien 
province.  The  White  Pagoda  stood  out  clear  against  the  horizon, 
marking  the  right  extremity  of  the  wall,  and  to  the  left  we  could 
see  the  dark  prominence  of  Black  Rock  Hill  with  the  wall  circling  its 
base.  Each  landmark  in’  the  old  city  seemed  to  mark  the  site  of  a 
Christian  missionary  organization.  Near  the  White  Pagoda,  we  were 
told,  lay  Foochow  College  and  the  hospital  of  the  American  Board,  and 
way  to  the  north,  in  the  shadow  of  the  Drum  Tower,  just  visible,  the 
Church  Missionary  Society  had  its  headquarters.  Conspicuous  in  the 
foreground  on  the  water  front  was  the  splendid  four-story  brick  build- 
ing of  the  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association,  and  not  far  away,  the 
new  cathedral  (Chinese)  of  the  Church  of  England. 

We  set  out  more  closely  to  visit  the  Christian  institutions  on  the 
island  of  Nan  Tai,  particularly  those  under  the  auspices  of  our  own 
Church.  We  climbed  down  again  through  the  trap-door  of  the  fire 
tower,  passed  several  small  altars  at  the  foot,  dedicated  to  the  malig- 
nant spirit  of  the  fox-devil,  with  a Chinese  inscription  over  one  altar 
equivalent  to  our  “Ask  and  it  shall  be  given  you” ; scrambled  among 
the  gravestones  which  mark  every  hillside  in  China;  and  walked  along 
the  gravel  path  to  the  former  headquarters  of  the  Methodist  Publishing 
House.  The  Press  has  been  consolidated  with  the  Interdenomina- 
tional Publishing  House  in  Shanghai  long  ago,  and  all  that  is  left  is  a 
small  stationery  and  office-supply  store.  Some  of  the  former  press 
rooms  and  offices  are  now  the  draughting  rooms  and  headquarters  for 
the  Fukien  Construction  Bureau,  an  efficient  organization  with  two 
missionary  architects  and  engineers,  and  a staff  of  Chinese  assistants 
who  design  and  build  not  only  for  our  own  Church  but  for  other  de- 
nominations and  for  the  general  public.  We  visited  the  Church  of  the 
Heavenly  Rest,  built  adjacent  to  a Buddhist  monastery  which  bears 
that  name,  and  which  was  famous,  in  1897,  when  the  church  was 
erected ; but  the  fame  of  the  monastery  is  a thing  of  the  past  and  the 
church  has  appropriated  its  lustre.  There  are  four  or  five  substan- 
tial missionary  residences  on  the  compound  of  the  Board  of  Foreign 
Missions  adjacent  to  the  church.  On  our  way  to  the  Anglo-Chinese 
College  we  passed  the  stone  structure  of  the  Church  of  England. 
Anglo-Chinese  College,  the  pioneer  of  English  education  for  the  whole 
of  China,  has  long  outgrown  its  old  quarters.  Three  beautiful  new 
buildings  have  been  erected  on  one  of  the  highest  spots  on  Nan  Tai, 
and  they  stand  out  clearly  against  the  horizon  as  a substantial  tribute 
to  Christian  education.  In  former  days,  boys  came  to  this  institution 
from  many  parts  of  China,  and  from  Chinese  communities  in  Malaysia, 
the  Philippines  and  Burma,  With  its  primary  and  middle  schools,  it 


12 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


is  a first-class  preparatory  school,  fitting  boys  to  enter  Fukien  Christian 
University. 

Hwa  Nan  (South  China)  College  is  the  girls’  institution  of  colle- 
giate grade,  maintained  by  the  Woman’s  Foreign  Missionary  Society, 
just  across  the  road  from  Anglo-Chinese  College.  At  Hwa  Nan,  under 
the  leadership  of  Dr.  Ida  Belle  Lewis,  the  foreign  and  Chinese  staff 
are  graduating  an  unusually  high  type  of  Chinese  young  women.  It 
was  interesting  to  find  that  nearly  every  member  of  the  staff,  including 
the  president,  wears  her  hair  bobbed,  and  a number  of  the  Chinese  girls 
have  followed  suit.  We  stopped,  also,  at  the  Union  Bible  Training 
School,  and  at  the  Woolston  Memorial  Hospital  of  the  Woman’s  For- 
eign Missionary  Society,  closed  for  lack  of  a doctor. 

Immediately  after  lunch,  we  met  the  staff  of  the  Anglo-Chinese 
College,  chiefly  Chinese,  to  hear  them  speak  frankly  on  the  question  of 
registration.  It  was  evident  from  the  many  angles  at  which  the  sub- 
ject was  presented,  that  these  men  were  unanimous  in  their  desire  to 
have  the  college  register,  and  some  of  them  were  pretty  outspoken  in 
their  demands  that  the  Church  in  America  relinquish  control,  but  con- 
tinue to  support  its  educational  institutions  in  China.  That  evening, 
there  was  another  gathering  at  the  Wiant  home,  this  time  including  the 
entire  foreign  staffs  of  the  Board  and  the  Society  in  Foochow. 

On  Sunday  morning,  there  was  a conference  with  the  men  on  the 
subject  of  personnel  in  the  Mission,  concerning  the  future  place  of  the 
missionary,  especially  in  terms  of  the  actual  need  of  the  field.  At  its 
close,  we  were  taken  to  one  of  the  smaller  Chinese  churches  on  Nan 
Tai  and  returned  in  time  to  hear  the  sermon  of  Pastor  Ding  and  par- 
ticipate in  the  annual  thank-offering  of  the  Chinese  Woman’s  Home 
Missionary  Society.  They  put  it  across  with  the  enthusiasm  of 
women  the  world  over,  and  counted  over  four  hundred  dollars  (Mex) 
into  the  coffers  of  their  Society  for  work  in  other  parts  of  China.  This 
was  in  the  Church  of  the  Heavenly  Rest,  known  in  Chinese  as  Tieng 
Ang  Dong.  Sunday  evening,  and  in  fact  every  spare  hour,  was  filled 
by  conferences  with  individual  missionaries  and  Chinese  Christian 
leaders. 

An  outstanding  impression  of  our  work  in  Foochow,  and  one  that 
offers  great  promise  for  the  future,  is  the  high  quality  of  Chinese 
leadership.  In  the  Foochow  Conference,  there  are  several  men  who 
have  taken  their  M.A.  degrees  in  the  best  schools  in  America. 
Two  of  them  are  preachers  of  outstanding  ability,  and  perhaps  half 
a dozen,  both  men  and  women,  are  teachers  in  our  Christian  schools. 
The  high  places  they  hold  and  the  devotion  they  are  giving  to  the 
Church  in  no  small  measure  are  due  to  the  willingness  of  the  foreign 
staff  to  stand  aside  and  place  responsibility  upon  the  Chinese  leaders. 
The  fellowship  among  the  missionaries,  and  between  the  two  racial 
groups  is  truly  an  inspiration.  Foochow  is  our  earliest  station  in  China, 
and  for  seventy-five  years  concentrated  work  has  been  done  over  a 
limited  area.  The  density  of  the  Christian  population  in  Fukien  is 
greater  than  anywhere  else  in  China. 

On  Monday  morning,  April  25,  we  had  breakfast  at  the  Middle 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


13 


School  for  Chinese  girls,  of  which  Miss  Florence  Plumb  is  principal. 
She  told  us  of  the  remarkable  changes  in  Chinese  womanhood  during 
the  past  twenty-six  years.  The  entire  morning  was  given  up  to  chapel 
addresses  in  our  various  schools.  Important  interviews  were  had  with 
Mr.  Munson,  of  the  Foochow  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  Mr.  Price,  the  American 
Consul,  and  others. 

Monday  afternoon  was  filled  with  intimate  personal  conferences 
with  Chinese  and  Americans,  conferences  that  cannot  be  over-estimated 
for  their  value  at  getting  to  the  heart  of  the  prevailing  state  of  affairs 
by  the  question  and  answer  method.  Late  in  the  afternoon,  another 
prolonged  session  was  held  with  the  missionaries  of  the  Board  on  the 
subject  of  personnel,  when  the  report  of  the  committee  was  made  in 
which  the  missionary  staff  for  the  next  few  years  was  realigned,  so  as 
to  do  with  six  less  missionaries  in  the  Foochow  Conference,  and  thus 
bring  the  staff  of  Americans  within  the  available  budget.  The  men  in 
Foochow  are  clearer  in  their  own  thinking  about  the  future  place  of  the 
missionary  as  a helper  of  the  Chinese  than  we  have  found  anywhere 
in  our  travels. 

The  five  evenings,  Monday  to  Friday,  were  filled  with  dinners 
which  mark  late  hours  well  spent  in  memorable  gatherings. 

Dinner  Number  One.  This  was  held  at  the  fine  Women’s  Bible 
Training  School,  Nan  Tai,  and  was  attended  by  120  Chinese  Christian 
and  missionary  friends  in  honor  of  our  visit  to  Foochow.  It  was  a gala 
event  of  the  first  order,  a Chinese  feast  with  the  proverbial  nineteen 
courses,  and  excellent  after-dinner  speeches  by  the  Chinese,  that  for- 
ever put  the  quietus  on  the  Western  belief  that  the  Chinese  have  no  sense 
of  humor.  In  the  welcome  address  by  Mr.  Hu,  the  speaker  said  his 
first  impressions  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary  were  of  a laughing 
Buddha,  good-natured,  smiling,  with  big  ears,  and  bringing  with  him 
the  money  bags ! He  had  purposely  offered  to  carry  Mrs.  Diffen- 
dorfer’s  purse  on  her  arrival  to  gauge  its  weight;  he  found  it  quite 
light,  but  trusted  it  was  filled  with  checks  and  money  orders.  Only 
one  who  has  carried  around  a pocketful  of  Mexican  dollars  in  Chinese 
silver,  or  a bag  full  of  Chinese  “cash”  can  appreciate  the  tonnage.  Mrs. 
Diffendorfer,  the  speaker  said,  he  had  thought  must  surely  be  the 
wife  of  a commissioner,  she  looked  so  distinguished.  He  found  on 
closer  examination,  however,  that  she  was  a hard-working  woman,  for 
her  face  was  full  of  lines.  To  call  one  aged  is  the  height  of  respect 
in  China,  but  the  speaker’s  inverted  compliments  in  English  simply 
made  his  speech  all  the  funnier.  My  come-back  was  interpreted  by  the 
Chinese  district  superintendent.  Rev.  Wong  Gang  Huo,  an  M.  A.  from 
Cornell  College,  and  it  was  a masterpiece  of  another  sort,  as  he  made 
my  speech  his  own  and  kept  the  crowd  in  constant  roars  of  laughter. 
As  an  expression  of  fellowship  and  interracial  friendship,  the  dinner 
was  one  of  the  most  successful  we  have  ever  attended.  The  keynote 
of  the  evening  was  the  sense  of  deep  and  abiding  fellowship  which  ex- 
ists among  those  who  are  brothers  in  Christ,  a fellowship  that  tran- 
scends all  the  barriers  of  nationality,  race  or  time. 

Dinner  Number  Two.  This  was  held  at  the  Hwa  Nan  College 


14 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


on  Tuesday  evening,  and  was  scheduled  for  seven-thirty.  We  sat  down 
to  the  table  at  nine-thirty  and  continued  to  sit  until  midnight.  This 
dinner  was  a sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of  shirt-sleeve  diplomacy.  The 
guests  of  honor  were  the  military  and  political  leaders  of  the  Kuomin- 
tang  government  in  Fukien  Province.  Principal  among  them  was 
General  Chang,  the  commander  of  the  military  forces  for  Fukien  Prov- 
ince, the  chairman  of  the  Administrative  Council,  together  with  nu- 
merous smaller  officers,  aides-de-camp,  ex-bandits,  the  Commissioner 
of  Education,  and  gentry.  Every  man  who  had  a right  to  military 
escort  brought  along  a bodyguard,  and  the  entrance  to  Hwa  Nan  was 
filled  with  Chinese  soldiers  armed  to  the  teeth.  All  of  the  talk  was 
through  interpreters,  with  most  of  the  arrangements  cared  for  by  the 
Hwa  Nan  staff  and  some  of  our  Chinese  Christians.  As  an  occasion 
for  breaking  down  unfriendliness  and  suspicion  between  the  govern- 
ment and  the  Christian  community  in  Foochow,  it  was  memorable,  and 
a lot  of  water  was  poured  on  the  Christian  wheel  despite  the  strain  of 
the  evening’s  proceedings.  They  kept  faith  with  their  party  training 
and  lectured  us  at  length  on  the  three  principles  of  Sun  Yat  Sen,  na- 
tional unity,  economic  reconstruction,  and  democratic  government.  Our 
side  replied  by  reminding  the  government  that  it  should  guarantee 
religious  freedom,  academic  freedom,  and  the  safety  of  life  and  prop- 
erty. We  were  assured,  in  terms  that  made  everybody  happy,  that 
the  government  intended  to  do  all  these  things,  but  at  the  present  time 
was  hampered  in  doing  so  by  the  presence  of  a radical  element  with 
whom  they  found  it  difficult  at  times  to  cope.  Good  feeling  predomi- 
nated, and  at  the  close  of  the  evening,  the  general  arose  in  a burst  of 
enthusiasm  and  invited  us  all  to  come  to  dinner  as  his  guests  the  follow- 
ing night  at  the  Y.  M.  C.  A. ! 

Dinner  Number  Three.  The  return  engagement  was  as  big  a 
hit  as  the  dinner  at  Hwa  Nan.  There  were  more  of  us  present,  includ- 
ing one  more  of  “them,”  the  number  one  man  of  the  entire  Fukien 
government,  so  far  as  a commission  form  of  government  can  have  a 
number  one  man,  the  chairman  of  the  Political  Council.  It  wasn’t  so 
much  of  a strain  as  the  evening  before;  we  seemed  to  be  old  friends. 

There  was  a great  crowd  of  us  present ; a number  of  other  mis- 
sionaries had  taken  advantage  of  the  general’s  all  inclusive  invitation, 
and  the  total  group  at  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  must  have^  numbered  fifty  peo- 
ple. We  were  the  center  of  attraction,  also,  for  a crowd  of  onlookers, 
both  civilians  and  military,  who  stood  around  in  the  “Y”  halls  frankly 
curious  about  all  the  hilarity.  After  the  chairman  had  made  his  address 
of  welcome,  stressing  the  desire  of  the  new  government  for  friendship 
between  the  United  States  and  China,  and  lecturing  us  further  on  the 
three  principles  of  Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen,  and  we  had  replied,  the  opportu- 
nity was  given  for  any  to  speak  who  wanted  to — a sort  of  Methodist 
testimony  meeting.  Dr.  Ida  Belle  Lewis,  daughter  of  the  late  Bishop 
Lewis,  and  now  president  of  the  Hwa  Nan  College,  was  the  first  to 
put  in  her  testimony  for  friendliness  to  China.  Lucy  Wong,  one  of 
the  teachers  at  Hwa  Nan,  an  up-to-date  young  Chinese  with  an  Amer- 
ican education,  arose  and  said  that  she  was  a graduate  of  Hwa  Nan 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


15 


College,  and  a Christian.  She  and  her  students  believed  in  the  principles 
of  the  Kuomintang,  but  they  objected  to  having  the  Bible  taken  out  of 
the  curriculum.  It  was  a straight  from  the  shoulder  speech  in  Manda- 
rin, and  must  have  struck  the  new  government  a bit  queer,  coming 
from  a woman,  so  rarely  heard  in  the  life  of  China  in  the  past,  and 
from  one  whose  life  had  been  in  jeopardy  many  times  in  recent  weeks. 
Ralph  Ward  felt  called  upon  to  liven  things  a bit,  so  he  arose  to  sug- 
gest that  all  the  visitors  arise  and  sing  to  the  time-honored  tune,  “Glory, 
Glory,  Hallelujah,  the  Kuomintang  Is  Here !”  Not  to  be  outdone,  the 
chairman  of  the  Political  Council  arose  and  led  all  the  Chinese  in  a 
Chinese  yell,  “Long  live  America!  Yea!  Long  live  China!  Yea!  Long 
live  the  Kuomintang!  Yea!” 

When  we  left,  late  at  night,  and  a knot  of  us  assembled  at  the 
foot  of  the  Bridge  of  Ten  Thousand  Ages,  the  young  Chinese  who  had 
a,cted  as  the  go-between  in  making  arrangements  for  the  dinner,  David 
Hung,  another  American  graduate,  said  to  us,  “In  their  speeches  they 
said  the  Kuomintang  was  bringing  to  the  people  of  China  national 
unity,  food  to  eat,  work  to  do ; all  of  them  material  needs.  The  spiritual 
need  they  cannot  meet ; it  remains  for  us  as  Christians  to  fill  that  need.” 

Dinner  Number  Four.  On  a hill  higher  than  all  the  hills  in 
Nan  Tai  perches  a group  of  buildings  known  as  Miss  Lambert’s 
School.  Miss  Lambert  is  an  English  missionary,  an  unusual  person 
who  has  been  in  China  thirty-eight  years,  and  has  passed  unruffled 
through  twenty  or  more  revolutions  and  the  counter-marching  of  armies 
for  a quarter  of  a century,  quietly  conducting  her  girls’  school,  turning 
back  a stream  of  educated  women  into  the  Chinese  community.  Her 
home  was  the  center,  on  Thursday  evening,  of  a dinner  given  by  the 
Fukien  Christian  Federation,  which  is  the  provincial  branch  of  the 
National  Christian  Council.  The  chairman  of  the  Federation  is  a capa- 
ble Chinese  man,  concerning  whom  Bishop  Hind,  of  the  Church  of 
England,  said  as  we  were  walking  home  together,  “I’m  going  to  try 
to  have  him  elected  bishop  at  the  diocesan  meeting  next  week.”  A pre- 
cise young  Chinese,  graduate  of  Syracuse,  who  interpreted  in  beautiful 
English,  was  pointed  out  to  us  as  the  young  Church  of  England  chap- 
lain who  had  been  stripped  of  most  of  his  clothes,  crowned  with  a dunce 
cap,  and  paraded  through  the  streets  of  Foochow  as  a running  dog  of 
the  imperialists  by  a group  of  hot-headed  students  and  teachers  who 
were  demanding  the  immediate  turning  over  of  Mission  schools  to  gov- 
ernment. The  Sunday  after  that  incident  happened,  he  went  into  his 
pulpit  and  preached  with  more  directness  and  fire  than  ever  before, 
and  to  the  biggest  congregation  he  ever  had. 

The  most  wonderful  thing  that  is  happening  in  China  today  is 
these  incidents  of  loyalty  and  suffering  on  the  part  of  Chinese  Chris- 
tians. They,  and  not  the  foreigners,  are  bearing  the  real  brunt  of  the 
anti-Christian  movement  in  China,  for  there  are  few  among  them  who 
can  flee  to  the  foreign  concessions  for  protection.  Another  outstand- 
ing personality  in  this  gathering  was  our  own  Methodist,  Mr.  Hu  Ing 
Huan,  who  is  executive  secretary  of  the  Fukien  Christian  Federation. 
One  of  our  missionaries  in  referring  to  him  said  he  was  more  like 


i6 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


an  efficient  American  secretarial  executive  than  any  other  Chinese  he 
knew. 

Into  this  group  of  upstanding,  self-reliant  Chinese  leaders  was 
projected  the  voice  of  self-relinquishment  from  a man  of  gray  hairs, 
who  had  given  his  life  to  China.  Dr.  Beard,  of  the  American  Board  in 
Foochow,  arose  to  bid  good-bye  to  his  colleagues,  announcing  to  them 
that  as  a result  of  the  actions  taken  in  conference  just  a few  days 
previous,  the  American  Board  Mission  in  Foochow  had  been  dissolved 
into  the  United  Christian  Church  of  South  China,  and  that  at  the  close 
of  his  furlough,  if  he  were  to  return  to  China,  it  would  be  at  the  invi- 
tation of  the  Church  in  China,  and  not  at  the  behest  of  the  Board  in 
America.  There  were  smiles  of  appreciation  on  the  faces  of  the  Chi- 
nese in  our  group.  The  day  has  come  when  they  are  willing,  and 
in  many  cases  ready,  to  assume  a large  share  of  the  responsibility  for 
the  direction  of  the  Christian  movement  in  China.  It  is  an  inspiration 
to  see  a man  like  Dr.  Beard,  who  has  given  his  life  in  order  that  that 
day  might  come,  willingly  step  aside  and  let  his  mantle  fall  upon  an- 
other, and,  better  still,  to  say  that  he  is  willing  to  carry  on  as  guide, 
philosopher,  and  friend  to  the  Christian  Church  in  China,  if  it  wishes 
to  have  him.  One  saw  symbolized  in  Dr.  Beard  that  night  at  Miss 
Lambert’s  one  of  the  aims  of  the  modern  missionary  movement. 

Dinner  Number  Five.  We  officially  “left”  Foochow  on  Friday 
morning,  bade  good-bye  to  all  the  friends,  and  amid  a burst  of  Chinese 
fire-crackers  were  off  in  a launch  down  river  to  spend  the  day  with  Dr. 
John  Gowdy  at  Fukien  Christian  University,  half  way  to  Pagoda 
Anchorage.  We  got  there  shortly  before  noon,  and  the  students  were 
assembled  for  the  weekly  University  convocation.  We  had  been  adver- 
tised on  several  posters  which  the  boys  had  put  up  in  the  halls  as  “A 
Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  who  favors  registration.” 
Apparently  our  attitude  as  it  had  been  expressed  at  Foochow  on  the 
matter  of  the  registration  of  Christian  schools  had  preceded  us.  As 
it  happened  nothing  was  said  to  the  men  in  conversation  on  the  subject 
of  registration,  the  word  was  not  even  used.  The  students  were  given 
a straight  talk  on  the  kind  of  leadership  which  China  needed  for  the 
new  day,  and  were  called  upon,  as  college  men,  to  prepare  themselves 
to  meet  the  country’s  needs.  That  evening  at  Dr.  Gowdy’s  home,  the 
entire  senior  class  was  in  to  dinner,  about  ten  or  a dozen  boys,  and 
we  got  a vivid  “cross-section”  of  the  mind  of  the  Chinese  student. 
The  question  was  asked  as  to  what  each  was  going  to  do  upon  gradu- 
ation, and  when  none  was  planning  to  enter  the  ministry,  some  one 
asked,  “Why  not?”  That  precipitated  a deluge  of  criticism  upon  all 
existing  institutions,  with  apparently  only  one  solution : Chinese  na- 
tionalism—with  a more  or  less  serious  feeling  among  the  men,  that  they 
could  serve  China  better  through  the  present-day  political  movement 
than  in  any  other  way.  It  was  certainly  illuminating,  if  superficial. 

We  left  about  nine  o’clock  that  evening,  in  a launch  with  a crowd 
who  had  come  down  by  surprise  from  Foochow,  and  took  up  our  cabin 
space  in  the  heavily  laden  and  congested  Japanese  packet,  Fukuken 
Maru,  headed  for  Shanghai. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


17 


In  Shanghai 

Our  first  day  in  Shanghai  was  given  to  Bishop  Brown  and  the 
missionaries  of  the  Foochow  area,  who  had  been  evacuated  to  Shang- 
hai. (See  Exhibit  D,  page  43.)  The  next  day  was  given  to  con- 
ferences with  the  Central  and  West  China  missionaries,  especially  for 
the  study  of  the  problems  of  missionary  personnel.  On  the  third  day 
we  began  our  formal  conferences  with  the  entire  group,  with  an  agenda 
which  was  the  result  of  our  discussions  of  the  two  days  previous.  (See 
Exhibit  E,  page  44.) 

A Findings  Committee  put  into  form  the  results  of  our  discus- 
sions. The  statement,  Exhibit  F,  page  45,  was  finally  adopted  by  the 
entire  group  on  the  forenoon  of  the  day  of  our  departure  from 
Shanghai. 

In  addition  to  these  formal  conferences,  every  other  minute  of 
•our  time  in  Shanghai  was  given  to  interviews  with  the  leaders  of  the 
National  Christian  Council,  both  foreigners  and  Chinese,  the  Young 
Women’s  Christian  Association,  the  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association, 
and  with  missionaries  of  other  denominations.  An  interview  was  also 
held  with  Mr.  Sterling  Fessenden,  Chairman  of  the  Shanghai  Municipal 
Council.  While  it  was  understood  that  stenographic  notes  were  made 
of  his  version  of  the  defense  of  Shanghai  (see  Exhibit  G,  page  49),  it 
needs  to  be  said,  in  all  fairness,  that  Mr.  Fessenden  has  had  no  oppor- 
tunity to  read  the  statement.  We  also  interviewed  Mr.  J.  B.  Powell, 
editor  of  The  China  Weekly  Review,  whose  knowledge  of  Chinese 
affairs  is  broad  and  accurate,  and  whose  judgments  are  independent, 
liberal,  and  constructive.  A statement  by  Putnam  Weale  at  a noonday 
luncheon  of  the  American  Women’s  Club  was  an  appeal  for  armed 
intervention.  He  tried  to  secure  the  sympathetic  help  of  the  club 
women  of  America  to  influence  public  opinion  in  the  United  States  to 
support  his  policy  for  armed  intervention  in  China. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  there  had  passed  through  Shanghai 
missionaries  from  the  Yangtze  valley  on  their  way  to  Korea,  Japan, 
and  America,  and  it  was  estimated  that  there  were  at  that  time  1,500 
missionaries  temporarily  in  Shanghai.  This  group  included  not  only 
those  from  West  China  who  had  come  out  early  in  the  year,  but  also 
those  from  the  Kiangsi  Conference,  and  later  the  group  from  Nanking. 
Some  of  those  in  Shanghai  had  passed  through  difficult  experiences  at 
the  hands  of  the  military  and  unfriendly  civilians  in  the  interior.  Their 
immediate  interest  was  in  the  stations  left  behind,  and  the  status  of  their 
work.  Their  attention  was  being  given  to  the  reports  coming  through 
by  messenger,  by  belated  mail,  or  by  telegram  of  the  military  occupancy 
of  this,  that,  or  the  other  station,  the  closing  of  schools,  the  personal 
experiences  and  dangers  of  the  Chinese  Christians.  It  was  very  ap- 
parent that  the  missionaries  in  Shanghai  were  too  close  to  the  experi- 
ences of  the  previous  weeks  to  be  able  to  think  into  the  future,  and 
to  realize  fully  the  significance  of  present  events  for  the  Christian 
movement.  Naturally,  it  was  a group  that  was  confused,  somewhat 
discouraged,  although  many  were  able  to  look  upon  their  experiences 


i8 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


as  incidents  in  the  larger  movements  manifesting  themselves  now  in  the 
Chinese  revolution.  A great  assembly  of  the  missionaries  was  held  in 
Shanghai  each  week.  On  May  4,  in  Martyrs’  Hall,  the  meeting  was 
addressed  by  Dr.  Henry  T.  Hodgkin,  a secretary  of  the  National  Chris- 
tian Council  of  China,  on  Prophets  and  the  Purpose  of  God.  The  state- 
ment seemed  so  significant  for  the  occasion  and  audience  that  a digest 
is  reprinted  from  stenographic  notes  as  Exhibit  H,  page  51. 

Later,  Dr.  C.  Y.  Cheng,  a secretarial  colleague  of  Dr.  Hodgkin  in 
the  National  Christian  Council,  addressed  the  group  in  Martyrs’  Hall 
on  Some  Problems  Confronting  the  Christian  Movement  in  China. 
This  address  clearly  sums  up  the  attitude  of  the  ablest  Chinese  Chris- 
tians on  the  bearing  of  the  present  events  in  China  on  the  Christian 
movement.  The  full  text  is  found  on  page  53  as  Exhibit  I. 

In  Peking 

After  a day  in  Tientsin,  spent  largely  in  studying  our  property 
situation,  we  went  to  Peking  and  began  a series  of  conferences  with 
missionaries  and  Chinese  leaders  from  West  China,  and  the  Shantung 
and  North  China  Conferences. 

At  the  time  of  our  visit.  North  China  was  just  being  threatened 
by  a serious  northern  advance  of  the  nationalist  armies.  In  the  North 
China  Conference,  a staggering  financial  situation  confronted  us  which 
would  have  been  a live  issue  in  normal  times,  but  which  was  accentuated 
by  the  possibility  of  the  North  going  through  some  of  the  same  expe- 
riences as  the  rest  of  China.  Most  of  our  time  in  Peking  was  given  to 
this  most  perplexing  question.  The  treasurer’s  statement  showed  that 
the  Conference  was  in  debt  over  $500,000  Mex.  Some  of  this  was  on 
the  missionary  budget,  a part  consisted  of  accumulated  deficits  on  the 
work  budget  for  the  last  fifteen  years,  a large  item  was  on  the  East 
City  property,  taken  by  us  in  our  adjustment  with  Peking  University. 

This  discussion  brought  out  the  further  fact  that  the  educational 
endowment  funds  of  the  North  China  Conference  had  been  invested  in 
Peking  real  estate,  and  were  already  showing  signs  of  uncertain  in- 
come. 

We  conferred  two  days  with  Bishop  Grose  and  the  North  China 
missionaries  of  the  Board  on  these  financial  problems,  and  had  a day 
or  more  of  conference  with  all  the  missionaries,  including  the  Woman’s 
Foreign  Missionary  Society  representatives,  on  some  of  the  more  gen- 
eral problems.  The  docket  for  these  discussions  is  found  in  Exhibit  J, 
page  62,  and  shows  what  the  group  considered  to  be  of  the  most 
importance  among  the  issues  which  we  face  in  North  China  today.  It 
will  be  observed  that  there  is  a striking  similarity  to  the  problems  in 
other  parts  of  China,  even  though  the  approach  and  the  circumstances 
were  somewhat  different.  Two  days  were  given  to  a meeting  of  the 
regular  Field  Finance  Committee,  of  which  a majority  is  Chinese.  We 
also  saw  the  first  meeting  which  had  ever  been  held  in  North  China 
between  the  Field  Reference  Committee  of  the  Woman’s  Foreign  Mis- 
sionary Society,  and  the  Field  Finance  Committee  of  the  Board  of  For- 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


19 


eign  Missions.  This  joint  conference  was  found  necessary  in  view  of 
the  common  problems  which  the  Board  and  the  Society  are  now  fac- 
ing in  regard  to  personnel,  property  and  relations  to  the  Chinese. 

In  addition  to  these  formal  conferences  on  our  own  problems,  we 
were  able,  in  Peking,  to  spend  a day  at  Yenching  University,  and  later 
to  meet  the  University’s  committee  on  re-organization  growing  out  of 
the  demands  for  registration  and  the  nationalistic  sentiment.  We  inter- 
viewed United  States  Minister  MacMurray,  Dr.  C.  C.  Wong,  who  is 
Postmaster-General  of  the  Peking  Government  and  one  of  our  most 
prominent  Methodist  laymen,  and  Dr.  W.  W.  Yen,  formerly  the  Prime 
Minister  of  the  Peking  Government.  We  attended  a luncheon  at  Dr. 
Koo’s  residence,  the  house  in  which  Sun  Yat  Sen  died  during  his  visit 
to  Peking,  in  1925,  where  we  met  a number  of  distinguished  guests 
and  foreign  visitors,  including  Dr.  Manley  O.  Hudson,  of  Harvard 
yniversity ; Mr.  S.  Padoux,  French  Adviser  to  the  Peking  Govern- 
ment ; Dr.  Y.  W.  Kwo,  professor  of  law  at  Yenching  University ; Mr. 
Frank  B.  Riley,  of  the  London  Times;  Dr.  Lo  Wen  Kan,  Minister  of 
Justice ; Dr.  Lucius  Porter,  of  Yenching  University ; Dr.  R.  O.  Bevan, 
and  Bishop  Grose. 

There  was  time  also  for  interviews  with  the  secretaries  of  the 
Young  Men’s  Christian  Association  and  missionary  leaders  of  other 
denominations ; for  a special  luncheon  with  representative  Chinese 
in  the  city;  for  addresses  to  the  students  of  the  Peking  Theological 
Seminary,  the  Academy,  the  Mary  Porter  Gamewell  school ; and  for 
many  hours  spent  in  private  conference  with  Bishop  Grose. 

CHINA’S  REAL  REVOLUTION 

As  we  left  China  on  a three-day  sea  voyage  to  Japan  we  thought 
and  prayed  over  these  experiences  and  have  written  down  the  impres- 
sions of  the  momentous  events  that  are  not  only  shaking  China,  but 
producing  rumbles  in  every  country  in  the  Far  East. 

The  first  and  foremost  fact  is  the  reality  of  the  revolution. 

The  forces  operating  among  the  Chinese  are  striving  after  nation- 
hood, which  is  more  pro-Chinese  than  anti- foreign ; the  desire  for 
national  unity ; aspiration  for  complete  political  autonomy ; the  desire 
for  equality  among  the  nations ; a sense  of  unfair  treatment  of  China 
from  the  Treaty  Powers;  a desire  to  be  rid  of  the  fighting  war  lord 
factions ; and  the  belief  in  a great  future  for  China,  which  amounts 
almost  to  a religious  fervor. 

These  forces  are  producing  profound  changes  in  China’s  social 
structure,  her  economic  life,  her  educational  procedure,  and  her  political 
organization. 

In  her  social  life,  the  family  system,  with  obedience  from  the  sons 
demanded  by  the  father,  and  from  the  wives  by  the  mother-in-law,  is 
beginning  to  give  way  to  the  independent  family  unit.  The  concubine 
system,  which  probably  grew  out  of  the  traditional  desire  for  a son  in 
every  family,  will  slowly  disappear.  Pre-arranged  marriages,  with  no 
acquaintance,  courtship  and  consent  between  the  bride  and  bridegroom 


20 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


are  giving  way  to  love  making  on  the  part  of  youth,  although  the  pro- 
Chinese  spirit  of  the  present  is  still  retaining  the  gorgeous  wedding 
processions,  presents,  and  feasts.  One  of  the  most  noticeable  aspects 
of  the  new  social  life  is  the  freedom,  initiative,  and  independence  of 
the  new  Chinese  woman.  There  are  the  beginnings  today  in  China 
of  a real  feminist  movement. 

Economically,  the  biggest  factor  is  the  coming  of  modern  indus- 
try and  the  replacing  of  the  old  labor  guilds  and  apprentice  system  by 
modern,  organized  labor  unions.  The  organization  of  peasants’  unions 
is  scattering  discontent  throughout  the  agricultural  regions.  The  urge 
for  economic  reconstruction  lies  in  the  desperate  poverty  of  the  masses 
of  the  people,  with  all  forms  of  labor  underpaid.  Food,  clothing,  and 
shelter  are  the  demands  of  these  millions. 

In  educational  circles,  there  is  an  almost  universal  conviction  that 
the  Chinese  must  control  the  schools  in  China,  with  curriculum  and 
methods  of  instruction  adapted  to  the  needs  of  Chinese  life : a movement 
that  finds  expression  in  various  demands  for  the  legal  .registration  of 
schools,  with  more  or  less  stringent  regulations  added  by  national, 
provincial,  and  local  governments. 

Politically,  there  is  widespread  dissatisfaction  with  one-man  or 
autocratic  government,  whether  it  be  by  a benevolent  emperor  or  by  a 
rapacious  and  decapitating  war  lord.  There  is  also  recognition  that 
the  country  is  not  ready  for  the  exercise  of  the  full  franchise,  which 
lies  at  the  basis  of  all  popular,  democratic  government.  The  nationalist 
government,  therefore,  has  developed  a commission  form  of  govern- 
ment, in  which  the  political  council  is  the  highest  official  body  in  the 
nation,  in  the  province,  the  county,  and  the  municipality.  The  chair- 
man of  this  council  would  correspond  to  our  president,  governor,  mayor 
or  alderman.  Each  commissioner  on  these  councils  is  responsible  for  a 
certain  department  of  government,  and  may  have  a commission  of  his 
own  made  up  of  the  members  of  sub-departments  under  him.  There  is 
an  attempt  to  make  a budget,  to  pay  ordinary  salaries,  and  to  collect 
and  disperse  taxes  for  the  common  welfare,  the  results  of  which  are 
apparent  particularly  in  Canton  and  the  Kwangtung  Province. 

Whether  in  the  conservative  north,  or  in  radical  Hankow,  or  in 
moderate  Nanking,  or  Canton,  as  affecting  the  military  situation,  the 
revolutionary  factors  just  mentioned  have  deep  hold  upon  the  majority 
of  thinking  Chinese.  They  have  taken  root  among  the  students  of 
China,  especially  the  returned  students,  among  the  laboring  men,  and 
more  recently  among  the  farmers. 

While  the  revolution  of  1911,  arising  in  the  south  under  the  lead- 
ership of  Sun  Yat  Sen,  was  directed  particularly  against  the  old  Man- 
chu  regime,  its  more  positive  side  had  its  basis  in  the  three  principles 
which  are  now  animating  the  Kuomintang,  namely,  national  unity,  eco- 
nomic independence,  and  democratic  government.  The  present  revolu- 
tion in  China  is  different  from  all  those  that  have  preceded  it  in  Chinese 
history.  A statement,  agreed  to  by  practically  every  one  with  whom 
we  discussed  the  subject,  is  that  the  basis  of  the  present  nationalist 
uprising  does  not  rest  upon  the  victories  of  contending  factions  and 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


rival  war  lords,  but  in  a political  and  social  doctrine.  Every  recruiting 
camp  and  every  training  school  and  officers’  training  college,  and  every 
army  is  a school  for  the  study  of  these  political  doctrines  and  their  rela- 
tion to  the  future  of  China.  Quantities  of  literature  have  been  printed, 
and  a party  organization  has  been  outlined  with  the  minutest  detail. 
After  the  contending  armies  of  the  nationalist  movement  have  passed 
through  a province,  there  follows,  immediately,  a political  organization 
set  up  on  the  new  lines,  each  member  of  which  has  had  his  training 
in  the  principles  of  Kuomintang.  As  we  have  heard  these  men  give 
their  greetings,  present  their  compliments,  send  messages  to  America, 
and  justify  their  position  among  their  own  people,  we  have  observed  an 
almost  naive  and  simple  trust  in  what  this  new  doctrine  will  do  for  the 
reconstruction  of  China.  This  is  at  once  the  strength  of  the  revolu- 
tion and  its  weakness.  It  is  our  judgment  that  whatever  the  success  of 
the  various  contending  factions  now  in  China,  the  more  fundamental 
revolution  in  China  will  go  on,  probably  with  success  and  possibly 
here  and  there  with  dismal  failure,  especially  if  China’s  economic  re- 
sources continue  to  be  destroyed  through  the  devastations  of  warring 
factions. 

The  hopeful  factor  in  the  revolution,  as  viewed  from  without,  is 
the  deep  conviction  on  the  part  of  influential,  well-to-do,  well  educated 
Chinese  in  all  parts  of  China  that  the  revolution  cannot  and  must  not 
fail. 

From  the  Chinese  point  of  view,  which  in  the  last  analysis  is  the 
point  of  view  we  have  to  reckon  with,  the  revolution  seems  to  me  to 
consist  in  this : — The  Chinese  are  a people  with  a strong  sense  of  their 
own  inherent  worth,  coming  down  through  the  years  from  the  philos- 
ophy of  the  Middle  Kingdom,  a people  “Exalted  to  Heaven,’’  with  an 
ethical  code  exalting  “the  superior  man,’’  which  has  been  the  bulwark 
of  Chinese  unity  as  against  foreign  aggression  of  every  kind,  for  cen- 
turies and  centuries. 

Along  with  this  tradition,  is  the  culture  of  the  superior  man  almost 
exclusively  within  the  simple  family  circle,  a series  of  social  relation- 
ships which  have  been  perfected  and  taught  and  accepted  for  genera- 
tions, without  question.  Suddenly,  through  contacts  with  the  modern 
world,  these  people  have  come  to  see  that  their  country  was  gradually 
being  penetrated  by  foreign  commerce  and  business  protected  by  for- 
eign governments,  with  her  modern  education  fostered  by  almost  every 
nation  of  the  world  and  in  almost  every  language  of  the  world — ^Japan- 
ese, German,  Norwegian,  English,  Italian,  French,  some  of  the  schools 
having  a foreign  language  as  their  medium  of  instruction — her  new  re- 
ligion expressed  in  churches  and  institutions  of  foreign  origin,  not  only 
the  denominational  but  often  the  individual  buildings  having  foreign 
names. 

These  people,  finding  their  training  in  the  simple  social  life  of  the 
family  and  the  clan,  with  no  organization  comparable  to  their  modern 
educational,  social,  commercial,  and  religious  contacts,  have'  finally  de- 
termined that  their  social  organization  must  be  revamped,  their  eco- 
nomic life  reconstructed,  their  political  unity  established,  their  traditions 


22 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


as  a peaceful  people  without  an  army  set  aside,  in  order  that  they  may 
come  into  full  nationhood,  respected  by  the  rest  of  the  world. 

One  of  the  tragic  things  in  the  history  of  the  Far  East  is  the  fact 
that  when  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  France,  with  their 
traditional  love  of  freedom,  independence,  and  democracy,  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  strengthen  the  nationalist  movement  in  China  during  its  early 
days,  through  recognition,  friendly  contacts,  advice,  education  in  polit- 
ical organization,  methods  of  popular  education  and  propaganda,  as  well 
as  in  finance — a small  price  to  pay  for  the  attainment  of  a self-conscious 
sister  nation  on  the  other  side  of  the  Pacific — a deaf  ear  was  turned. 
It  was  then  that  the  Chinese  leaders  turned  toward  Russia,  to  a people 
who  had  liberated  themselves  from  the  worst  absolutist  government 
that  the  modern  world  has  ever  known.  The  thread  of  sympathy, 
slender  enough  at  first,  was  strengthened  and  twisted  into  a cord  which 
was  at  once  mutually  helpful,  but  which  may  become  for  China  a 
strangling  noose.  The  Russians  were  evidently  eager  enough  to  extend 
a helping  hand,  for  it  gave  them  much  needed  opportunity  for  com- 
mercial expansion.  The  Chinese,  on  the  other  hand,  gained  political 
prestige  and  technical  organization. 

On  the  much  mooted  question  as  to  the  extent  and  effectiveness  of 
Russian  influence  in  China,  little  is  gained  by  over-estimating  it  on  the 
one  hand,  or  by  belittling  it  on  the  other.  Russia  was  wise  enough  to 
take  advantage  of  the  China  situation  at  the  right  moment.  The  Rus- 
sians won  the  confidence  of  the  people  of  China  in  1923  when  they 
formally  gave  up  their  extra-territorial  rights  in  China  and  accepted 
China  as  an  equal  among  the  nations.  Russia  withdrew  her  minister 
from  China  and  sent  a full  fledged  ambassador,  with  one  stroke  winning 
the  gratitude  of  China  and  placing  the  Russian  legation  at  the  head  of 
all  other  legations  in  Peking.  Russian  military  officers  brought  disci- 
pline, modern  tactics,  organization,  and  strategy  to  the  Chinese  armies. 
Russian  political  advisers  brought  party  organization  and  produced 
an  effective  method  for  securing  loyalty  to  the  principles  of  Kuomin- 
tang. 

The  Kuomintang,  started  by  Dr.  Sun  forty  years  ago,  has  been 
the  most  active  military  and  political  agency  in  the  development  of  the 
revolution.  Kuomintang  principles  are  at  the  heart  of  the  Nationalist 
movement,  whether  actually  admitted  or  not,  in  every  section  of  China. 
Today,  one  joins  Kuomintang  by  answering  a series  of  questions  on  an 
application  blank,  which  is  sent  to  party  headquarters,  and,  when  ac- 
cepted, a membership  card  is  given.  (See  Exhibit  K,  page  64.) 

Local  party  groups  are  then  formed  for  the  securing  of  new  mem- 
bers, for  the  education  of  members  in  the  party  principles,  and  for 
carrying  out  such  purposes  for  the  development  of  the  party  as  may  be 
agreed  upon.  Kuomintang  groups  are  found  in  our  schools  and  hos- 
pitals, among  students,  servants,  and  staffs,  in  our  churches,  among 
both  laymen  and  preachers,  in  labor  unions,  among  farmers,  and  among 
ricksha  coolies. 

Russia,  no  doubt,  was  responsible  for  the  plan  of  party  education 
in  the  schools,  including  instruction  in  party  principles,  and  the  weekly 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


23 


observance  of  the  Sun  Yat  Sen  memorial.  The  latter  is  one  of  those 
strokes  of  genius  for  the  visualizing  of  a great  movement  around  an 
individual,  a factor  in  all  democratic  countries.  All  will  agree  that  it 
was  Russia  who  furnished  the  technique,  the  method,  the  writers,  and 
the  organization  of  nationalist  propaganda,  both  in  China  and  abroad, 
probably  the  greatest  exhibition  of  propaganda  in  the  modern  world 
since  the  Great  War.  From  Russia  also  came  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  rubles  for  the  definite  support  of  army  officials,  political  leaders, 
and  propagandists. 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  extremists,  the  radical  com- 
munists, should  take  advantage  of  this  extraordinary  opportunity  for 
the  promulgation  of  their  own  doctrines  in  a market  that  was  wide 
open.  That  this  was  done,  there  is  evidence  sufficient  and  complete. 
Gradually  there  appeared  in  this  great  patriotic  movement  the  perni- 
cious doctrine  of  class  conflict,  anti-religious  sentiment,  with  the  intro- 
duction of  the  principle  of  the  destruction  of  the  existing  economic 
order,  with  its  slogans  of  “Down  with  imperialism,”  “Down  with  capi- 
talism,” “Down  with  the  foreigners,”  “Down  with  religion,”  “Down 
with  the  missionary,”  carried  far  and  wide  in  pamphlets,  books,  news- 
papers, bulletins,  and  posters,  making  an  effort  to  break  down  Chinese 
traditional  social  organization,  the  sanctity  of  her  family  life,  the  mod- 
esty of  her  womanhood,  and  the  traditional  friendliness  between  em- 
ployers and  employees. 

In  striking  contrast  to  Russia’s  position  stands  the  attitude  of  the 
Great  Powers  toward  China.  Granting  a long  list  of  manifest  provoca- 
tions, failures,  and  weaknesses  which  the  world  well  knows,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  so-called  Treaty  Powers,  consciously  or  unconsciously, 
were,  from  the  beginning,  out  of  an  age  of  exploration,  discovery, 
colonization,  the  establishment  of  trade  and  dominion,  heading  straight 
into  a policy  for  the  partition  of  China,  and,  having  failed  in  that,  the 
establishment  of  spheres  of  influences,  and,  failing  in  that,  of  peaceful 
penetration  of  a resourceful  country  with  a peaceable  people,  unac- 
quainted through  centuries  of  preferred  isolation  with  the  ways  of 
Western  nations.  In  these  adjustments,  all  sorts  of  peculiar  provisions 
have  been  made,  such  as  concessions,  settlements,  extra-territorial  priv- 
ileges, unilateral  treaties,  and  the  foreign  control  of  customs  and  salt 
revenues.  It  may  well  be  argued  that  these  special  arrangements  were 
found  necessary  in  dealing  with  a people  of  China’s  traditions  and  lack 
of  experience  in  modern  political  and  commercial  life.  This,  however, 
does  not  modify  or  lessen  the  effect  which  this  treatment  has  had  upon 
China.  This  latter  fact  needs  now  to  be  taken  into  account.  These 
policies,  when  backed  up  by  force  displayed  through  the  years  among 
a peaceable  people,  without  modern  armies  for  the  protection  of  proper- 
ties and  human  lives,  have  furnished  the  soil  in  which  the  seeds  of  the 
revolution  were  planted. 

And  more  recently,  the  demands  from  both  within  and  without 
China  for  the  Powers  to  adopt  a strong  policy  of  armed  intervention  are 
furnishing  today  the  surest  weapons  for  the  radical  propagandist.  We, 
Westerners,  may  justify  such  policies  in  all  good  conscience,  believing 


24 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


that  they  may  be  the  best  thing  for  China,  but  we  ought  not  to  blink 
at  the  plain  facts  of  the  effect  they  are  having  upon  the  Chinese,  them- 
selves. The  educated  Chinese  know  perfectly  well  that  all  over  the 
world,  commerce,  science,  and  religion  run  tremendous  risks  among 
unstable  governments,  savage  peoples,  warring  factions,  and  racial  or 
national  prejudices.  They  ask  the  simple  question,  “Why  do  the  for- 
eigners stay  here?”  Again,  it  may  well  be  argued  that  such  a question 
is  naive  and  does  not  take  into  account  the  interdependence  of  the 
modern  world,  and  the  inevitable  mingling  of  the  people  of  the  world  in 
commerce,  education,  and  culture.  But  such  a feeling  on  our  part 
does  not  modify  the  views  which  the  Chinese  are  now  taking  of  the  mat- 
ter, and  it  is  these  attitudes  and  sets  of  mind  and  points  of  view  and 
inner  convictions  among  the  Chinese  that  constitute  for  us  the  greatest 
factors  in  the  present  situation. 

WHAT  DOES  THE  PRESENT  SITUATION  MEAN  FOR 
THE  CHRISTIAN  MOVEMENT  IN  CHINA? 

I.  Missionary  Personnel 

This  question  is  raised,  not  with  the  hope  that  any  final  answer 
can  be  given  or  ought  to  be  attempted.  The  outcome  of  the  present 
tendencies  in  China  is  so  uncertain  that  it  is  probably  a truism  to  say 
that  we  can  do  little  or  nothing  more  than  to  think  through  our  prob- 
lems as  they  arise,  meeting  the  issues  from  time  to  time.  This  un- 
certainty of  the  future,  however,  should  not  prevent  us  from  recording 
our  judgment  and  taking  such  actions  as  are  clear  at  the  present  time. 
Indeed,  only  in  such  a process  will  we  be  able,  at  this  distance,  to  keep 
abreast  of  the  rapidly  moving  events  which  are  modifying  so  funda- 
mentally the  social  and  political  structure  of  China. 

The  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  last  year  appropriated  $475,565 
for  China.  Of  this  amount  $296,905  is  for  the  missionary  budget, 
which  includes  the  salaries,  allowances,  furlough  travel,  medical  costs, 
itinerating  and  other  expenses,  of  332  missionaries,  the  number  in 
China  when  these  appropriations  were  made  in  November,  1926.  From 
the  total  amount,  $178,660  is  the  work  budget,  which  is  used  for  our 
schools,  hospitals,  and  the  salaries  or  part  salaries  of  Chinese  district 
superintendents,  ministers,  evangelists,  and  other  workers.  During 
the  year  1926,  the  Chinese  themselves  gave  for  all  purposes  $87,096. 
Last  year,  22  per  cent  of  our  total  appropriations  went  to  China.  It 
will  be  recalled  when  our  reduced  income  of  1924  compelled  a reduction 
of  one  fourth  of  our  appropriations  that  the  missionaries  and  the 
Chinese  in  China,  by  desperate  and  heroic  measures  of  self-sacrifice, 
endeavored  to  provide  for  their  work  without  very  materially  reducing 
the  personnel.  Thus,  they  did  not  make  the  readjustment  in  personnel 
which  occurred  in  other  fields,  a fact  which  must  be  taken  into  account 
as  we  consider  the  future  of  our  missionary  program. 

As  we  face  up  to  our  future  missionary  policy  in  China,  the  fol- 
lowing facts  must  be  kept  in  mind. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


25 


I.  At  the  present  time,  115  of  the  missionaries  in  active  service 
in  China  last  year  when  our  appropriations  were  made  are  now  in 
America;  ii  are  in  nearby  countries;  22  are  in  Shanghai;  and  as  far  as 
we  know,  68  are  at  their  stations.  This  so-called  evacuation  presents 
many  problems.  Probably  the  time  has  not  yet  come  when  the  wisdom 
or  the  unwisdom  of  the  evacuation  order  can  be  justly  reviewed.  There 
is  certainly  a diversity  of  opinion  regarding  it  among  missionaries, 
business  men,  and  consular  agents.  Minister  MacMurray,  in  Peking, 
anticipated  many  criticisms  and  recriminations  with  reference  to  the 
general  evacuation,  but  was  himself  clear  in  his  justification  of 
the  step,  even  though  the  impression  which  he  left  upon  me  as  to  the 
motives  behind  the  order  is  not  at  all  clear.  Consul  Price,  in  Foochow, 
who  had  one  of  the  most  difficult  situations  to  face,  is  tire  son  of  a mis- 
sionary from  Burma,  is  a deeply  spiritual  man,  and  is  not  only  sympa- 
thetic but  openly  supports  the  missionary  program,  and  sees  in  the  rapid 
extension  of  the  Christian  movement  of  a definite  evangelistic  sort  the 
only  hope  for  the  future  of  China.  Mr.  Price  has  filed  with  me  a 
carefully  prepared  statement  of  the  policy  of  our  government  as  he 
understood  it  and  attempted  to  carry  it  out  in  the  Consular  District  un- 
der his  care.  (See  Exhibit  L,  page  65.) 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  when  the  United  States  destroyer 
was  driving  full  speed  ahead  to  Manila,  with  a grovtp  of  frantic  and 
terrified  men,  women,  and  children  from  Foochow,  the  British  Consul 
in  Foochow  was  distressed  almost  to  obstinacy  over  the  order  which 
he  had  received  to  withdraw  all  British  subjects  from  the  interior  of 
Fukien  province  to  Foochow,  and  himself  issued  the  order  against  his 
own  best  judgment.  When  we  arrived  in  Foochow,  we  found  the 
British  residents  from  the  interior  in  the  city  itself,  and  they  had  re- 
mained there  throughout  all  of  the  days  when  our  American  citizens 
were  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 

Whatever  may  be  the  pros  and  cons  of  the  wisdom  of  the  evacu- 
ation order,  it  is  the  fact  of  the  evacuation  which  has  brought  forward 
several  very  concrete  issues.  The  first  and  foremost  is  the  additional 
expense,  including  transportation,  extra  living  costs,  and  in  some  cases 
medical  service  and  clothes,  and  the  personal  necessities  of  living.  In 
these  items,  there  is  not  included  the  loss  of  missionary  residences,  the 
libraries  and  instruments,  but  only  those  additional  expenses  to  the  mis- 
sionaries themselves  due  to  the  evacuation  order.  The  situation  was 
so  desperate  in  Shanghai  and  the  missionaries  were  raising  so  many 
questions  about  the  attitude  of  the  Board  toward  them,  that  a letter 
was  written  to  the  office  of  the  Board  asking  that  the  Board  give  formal 
assurance  to  the  missionaries  that  these  additional  costs  would  be  re- 
funded to  them,  and  that  copies  of  this  letter  be  mailed  to  all  the  mis- 
sionaries in  China  who  were  affected.  In  this  letter  no  promise  was 
given,  knowing  well  that  this  is  a matter  for  the  Board  itself  to  de- 
cide, but  we  did  agree  to  bring  the  matter  to  your  attention  with  all  the 
strength  at  our  command.  We  urge,  therefore,  that  if  it  has  not  al- 
ready been  done  the  Board  take  some  official  action  assuring  our  mis- 
sionaries that  these  personal  losses  will  be  made  good,  and  set  in  motion 


26 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


those  processes  for  the  determining  of  the  items  and  the  filing  of  the 
claims.  The  latter  has  already  partially  been  done  by  Treasurer  Main 
in  Shanghai,  but  needs  to  be  more  systematically  cared  for  over  China 
as  a whole. 

As  to  the  effect  of  the  evacuation  upon  both  the  Christian  and  the 
non-Christian  community  in  China,  no  action  of  this  Board  can  possibly 
overcome  the  misunderstandings,  the  deep  questionings  on  the  part  of 
the  Chinese  Christians,  the  sarcastic  and  sometimes  diabolical  reactions 
of  the  anti-Christian  leaders,  and  the  unsatisfied  longings  of  our  Chinese 
Christians  for  the  return  of  those  who  have  shared  in  the  building  up 
of  the  Christian  Church  in  China  through  all  these  years. 

2.  Since  so  many  of  our  missionaries  are  now  away  from  their 
posts,  naturally  one  of  our  greatest  problems  is  the  conditions  under 
which  they  may  return.  We  raise  very  definitely  for  the  consideration 
of  the  Board  the  possibility  and  desirability  of  not  returning  our  mis- 
sionaries to  China  for  the  time  being,  and  possibly  withdrawing  those 
who  are  now  there,  with  rare  exceptions.  This  policy  is  proposed  aside 
from  any  bearing  which  safety  of  life  and  property  may  have  upon  the 
question.  Many  of  our  missionaries  feel  that  this  policy  would  prevent 
any  complications,  due  to  the  policy  of  the  United  States  government 
to  protect  its  citizens  and  their  property,  and  to  secure  indemnification 
in  the  case  of  loss. 

In  the  decision  of  such  an  important  issue,  we  must  not  be  unduly 
influenced  by  the  sentiments  expressed  by  leaders  in  our  Chinese  Chris- 
tian community  who  for  personal  and  other  reasons  may  be  urging 
their  missionary  friends  to  return.  This  is  only  natural,  but  of  neces- 
sity must  have  a very  limited  bearing  upon  the  policy  as  a whole.  It 
would  be  natural,  of  course,  for  those  Chinese  Christians  who  are  de- 
pendent upon  the  missionaries  for  their  financial  support  to  be  eager  for 
their  return.  As  bearing  upon  this  policy,  we  would  call  to  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Board  a statement  which  the  missionaries  of  the  American 
Board  in  North  China  sent  to  the  Congregational  Churches  in  America 
after  a meeting  in  Tientsin,  on  April  11-12,  1927.  (See  page  68, 
Exhibit  M.) 

3.  A fact  of  equal  significance,  which  our  missionaries  appreciate, 
is  the  spirit  in  which  any  who  go  back  should  return  to  their  work.  The 
evacuation  established  Chinese  leadership  in  hospitals,  schools,  and 
evangelistic  work.  In  some  districts,  the  choosing  of  responsible  Chi- 
nese for  places  of  leadership  was  a matter  of  but  a few  hours,  especially 
in  those  instances  where  missionaries  had  been  far  sighted  and  were 
working  definitely  toward  this  end.  In  other  cases  it  was  hastily  done, 
but  everywhere  it  is  trying  and  proving  the  mettle  of  the  Chinese  to 
handle  our  Church  institutions  and  affairs  under  difficult  circumstances. 
Thus,  without  any  credit  to  ourselves,  Chinese  leadership  has  been  es- 
tablished as  one  of  the  accompaniments  of  the  Chinese  revolution. 
Our  missionaries  are  keen  to  feel  that  when  they  return  their  expressed 
attitude  toward  the  Chinese  who  are  now  carrying  the  burden  of  our 
work  is  even  more  important  than  all  of  their  previous  missionary  expe- 
rience. Whatever  may  be  our  general  policy  regarding  the  return  of 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


27 


missionaries  to  China,  the  missionaries  themselves  will  certainly  see  to 
it  that  the  gains  that  have  been  made  in  the  sense  of  responsibility  and 
leadership  for  the  Christian  movement  in  China  among  the  Chinese 
will  not  only  not  be  lost,  but  will  be  greatly  strengthened  and  set  for- 
ward toward  the  new  day. 

It  is  equally  true  that  the  missionaries  of  the  future  will  and 
should  go  to  China  on  such  terms  as  the  Chinese  themselves  desire. 
Already  many  of  our  missionaries  feel  that  this  is  the  only  basis  on 
which  they  will  return  to  their  posts.  There  may  be  some  missionaries 
who,  under  these  conditions,  would  feel  that  they  could  serve  the  Church 
better  somewhere  else  than  on  the  foreign  field,  in  which  case  we  should 
have  all  respect  for  their  judgment,  involving  such  sacrifice  of  their 
life  purpose. 

Missionaries  who  are  unwilling  to  go  to  China  in  these  days  with- 
out the  protection  of  their  lives  and  property  by  American  gunboats 
, should  remain  in  America,  and  the  Board  should  refuse  to  send  out 
any  whose  safety  must  depend  on  foreign  military  and  naval  forces. 
It  would  be  better  not  to  return  a single  missionary  to  China  for  a 
period  of  years  than  to  send  out  a host  under  the  old  conditions. 

4.  Under  all  these  conditions,  what  then  is  the  place  and  function 
of  the  missionary  in  China  for  the  future?  No  question  was  discussed 
more  fully  and  freely  by  missionaries  and  Chinese  in  separate  and  joint 
conferences  during  our  visit  to  China.  These  questions  came  first  on 
every  agenda.  Several  things  are  clear.  Any  attempt  to  determine 
the  number,  kind,  and  location  of  missionaries  to  China  in  the  future 
from  New  York  would  set  the  Chinese  Church  back  a generation. 
Heretofore,  we  have  been  accustomed  to  making  our  missionary  pro- 
gram by  such  studies  as  surveys,  in  which  the  Missionary  Board  or 
a group  of  Boards  have  attempted  to  outline  where  work  should  be 
opened,  what  kind  of  work  should  be  done,  what  the  qualifications  and 
training  of  the  missionaries  should  be,  a programizing  process  that  has 
been  almost  perfected  in  its  technique.  Such  a policy  must  now  be 
abandoned  by  us.  Through  all  these  years,  we  have  now  raised  up  a 
group  of  Chinese  leaders  who  are  probably  better  qualified  to  determine 
these  issues  than  even  the  missionaries  of  long  experience.  We  must 
now  ask  our  Chinese  brethren  how  best  we  can  serve  them  and  help 
them  to  train  their  ministry,  to  strengthen  their  churches,  to  mark  out 
new  lines  of  work,  and  to  open  up  new  fields  of  endeavor.  Even  in 
those  cases  where,  through  lack  of  experience  and  knowledge,  the  Chi- 
nese may  not  see  all  the  opportunities  now  open  to  them,  our  approach 
in  such  cases  must  be  through  suggestion  and  helpful  counsel  rather 
than  through  any  formal  programizing  of  our  own.  Under  such  condi- 
tions, if  they  desire  help  from  us  (which  they  will  desire  increasingly), 
we  should  give  that  help,  to  quote  Frank  Cartwright,  “to  the  utmost 
limit  of  our  resources  in  men  and  money.” 

Mr.  Cartwright’s  answer  to  the  question,  “Should  missionaries  stay 
in  China?”  published  in  The  Christian  Advocate  of  June  23,  1927,  was 
discussed  by  us  in  China  at  length,  and  it  has  our  hearty  endorsement. 
His  answer  is  as  follows : 


28 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


“What  about  the  future?  First,  within  the  bounds  of  our  present 
Conferences.  Missionary  work  in  such  regions  should  be  left  entirely 
to  the  control  of  the  Chinese  Church.  If  they  want  continued  help 
from  American  preachers,  we  should  give  that  help  to  the  utmost  limit 
of  our  resources  in  men  and  money.  I believe  that  they  will  ask  for 
continued  missionary  help  as:  (a)  ‘Liaison  officers,’  who,  by  word  of 
mouth  or  by  letters,  interpret  the  Chinese  Church  and  its  needs  to  the 
constituency  in  America;  (b)  As  evangelistic  helpers,  men  and  women 
who  will  assist  the  district  superintendents,  preachers,  and  Bible  women 
in  their  difficult  and  I'arely  inspired  tasks;  (c)  As  occasional  visitors; 
as  ‘experts,’  if  you  please,  men  and  women  who  will  come  from  foreign 
lands  after  years  of  experience  and  will  advise  with  groups  of  Chinese 
workers.  However,  if  any  Conference  feels  that  it  can  get  along  better 
without  the  presence  of  the  missionary,  we  should,  with  good  grace  and 
in  real  rejoicing,  retire  from  that  field,  conscious  that  the  missionary 
aim  has  been  reached. 

“But  there  are  wide  areas  outside  the  bounds  of  any  Methodist 
Conference.  These  areas  are  not  only  far  from  Methodist  influences, 
but  many  are  not  touched  by  any  Christian  force.  Can  we  not,  should 
we  not,  as  Missions  go  to  those  regions? 

“It  is  conceded  that  we  could  go  there  independently  and  could  do 
much  good.  Very  likely  many  missionaries  and  some  Societies  will 
decide  to  do  so. 

“But  klethodism  must  not  do  this.  We  can  and  should  let  the 
Chinese  Church  know  that  we  are  willing  and  eager  to  do  continued 
pioneer  missionary  work,  but  only  on  their  invitation.  When  there  were 
no  Christians  in  China,  our  spiritual  forefathers  came  and  worked 
against  great  opposition  to  establish  a Church.  But  there  is  a Church 
now.  It  has  numerical  strength.  Capable  leaders  have  been  developed. 
That  Church  surely  should  be  consulted  before  our  Board  opens  pioneer 
work  in  China  hereafter.” 

5.  Will  the  Chinese  Want  Us?  If  our  experience  in  Japan  with 
the  independent  Japan  Methodist  Church  means  anything,  there  will  be 
first  a period  of  readjustment  between  the  missionaries  and  the  nation- 
als, in  which  the  latter  will  take  their  rightful  place  of  leadership  and 
the  missionaries  will  become  their  helpers.  Then  following  this,  a 
sense  of  increased  responsibility  on  the  part  of  the  nationals,  and  a 
new  understanding  of  the  problems  which  the  small  and  inadequate 
Christian  group  face  in  the  evangelization  of  their  country.  Then  they 
will  turn  to  us  for  help  and  ask  that  missionaries  who  can  fit  into  their 
situation  of  need  be  sent  to  them.  When  such  urgent  calls  come,  the 
churches  in  America  will  have  before  them  one  of  the  greatest  opportu- 
nities they  have  ever  faced,  and  a real  test  of  their  genuine  missionary 
spirit. 

II.  The  Chinese  Church 

It  is  recognized,  at  the  outset,  that  there  are  problems  and  policies 
regarding  the  Church  in  China  that  belong  to  our  general  ecclesiastical 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


29 


leaders  and  agencies,  and  are  not  within  the  authority  of  the  Board 
of  Foreign  Missions.  On  the  other  hand,  as  long  as  the  sum  of  $178,- 
000  is  being  appropriated  annually  by  this  Board  for  the  support  of 
Chinese  work,  and  as  long  as  it  is  the  definite  purpose  of  the  Board 
to  establish  in  China  a self-supporting,  self-directing,  and  self-propa- 
gating Church,  we,  as  a Board,  have  the  right  to  consider  whether  or  not 
we  are  achieving  our  aims,  and  whether  or  not  our  appropriations  are 
being  wisely  used.  How  far  then  are  we  succeeding  in  building  up  a 
Chinese  Church? 

1.  In  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  evangelistic  missionary  work 
had  to  be  opened  up  by  foreigners.  From  the  Chinese  point  of  view,  the 
missionary  is  sent  from  abroad,  is  paid  from  abroad,  and  brings  with 
him  a new  message  and  a strange  plan  for  the  organization  of  a reli- 
gious society.  His  message  is  new,  and  one  of  the  chief  problems 
of  the  missionary  is  to  share  with  the  Chinese  those  elements  of  Chris- 
tian experience  which  are  universal,  and  to  divest  the  Gospel  and  the 
Christ  from  being  considered  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  West. 
Thus,  in  a most  fundamental  way,  the  missionary  enterprise  is  handi- 
capped at  the  point  of  making  the  message  of  the  organized  society 
of  Christians  known  as  the  Church  to  take  hold  and  become  what  we 
call  “indigenous.” 

Then,  during  all  these  years  of  pioneering,  each  missionary  group 
has  been  putting  up  its  own  denominational  machinery,  in  the  process 
of  which,  probably  of  necessity,  the  Chinese  accepted  foreign  support 
for  positions  in  a foreign  organization.  Our  goal  then,  inevitably,  was 
to  make  this  procedure  efficient.  As  it  worked  out,  a foreigner  with  a 
foreign  plan  and  foreign  money,  himself  constantly  growing  in  his  own 
conceptions  of  his  task,  was  continually  educating  and  inspiring  the 
Chinese  to  catch  up.  Our  query  is,  on  such  a basis,  will  he  ever  catch 
up? 

2.  Thus  we  find  in  China,  today,  the  outward  workings  of  a full 
fledged  Church : bishops.  General  Conference  delegates.  Central  Con- 
ference, Annual  Conferences,  District  Conferences,  district  superin- 
tendents, Quarterly  Conferences,  committees,  and  general  boards  and 
officers — always  reflecting  in  China  our  own  attempts  to  perfect  this 
organization  without  sufficient  regard  to  the  foundations  in  Chinese 
life  and  experience,  and-  social  structure,  and  certainly  without  consult- 
ing the  Chinese  as  to  whether  or  not  such  a plan  gives  them  the  best 
opportunity  for  the  expression  of  their  organized  Christian  life. 

Inexperience,  lack  of  training,  and  our  own  zeal  and  temperament 
possibly  made  necessary  this  particular  approach  to  the  establishing  of 
the  Christian  movement  in  a foreign  country.  Certainly,  we  Method- 
ists are  not  peculiar  in  this  regard.  We  have  all  followed  this  procedure. 
With  us  as  Methodists,  however,  the  very  efficiency  of  our  organiza- 
tion and  what  we  call  our  connectional  life  constitute  for  us  a particu- 
lar problem  in  this  regard. 

3.  Our  missionaries  were  constantly  opening  their  hearts  to  me  in 
personal  conferences,  saying  that  our  present  emphasis  on  making 
our  complicated  organization  succeed  was  resulting  in  an  unbalanced 


30 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


missionary  objective.  They,  themselves,  are  feeling  that,  as  mission- 
aries, they  are  giving  entirely  too  much  time  to  administrative  matters, 
and  some  of  them  feel  that  they  have  lost  their  true  missionary  pur- 
pose. They  are  longing  for  some  plan  by  which,  in  cooperation  with 
and  under  the  direction  of  the  Chinese,  they  can  be  set  free  to  experi- 
ment in  new  lines  of  work,  to  strengthen  the  churches,  to  open  up  new 
fields  of  endeavor. 

As  long  as  this  Church  organization  is  supported  by  foreign  money 
exclusively,  the  Chinese,  of  course,  will  accept  it.  As  far  as  I could 
discover,  all  of  our  district  superintendents  in  China  are  Chinese,  the 
missionaries  taking  the  position  of  district  missionaries.  These  Chinese 
district  superintendents  are  practically  supported  by  our  missionary 
funds.  They  look  to  the  Mission  for  their  standardized  salaries,  and 
have  consequently  less  points  of  contact  and  sense  of  responsibility 
with  their  Chinese  churches  than  they  might  otherwise  have.  It  may 
be  said  that  this  is  necessary  in  a stage  in  a growing  young  Church, 
and  that  the  time  may  come  when  the  Chinese  will  be  able  to  support, 
not  only  their  ministry,  but  also  their  district  superintendents  and  their 
bishops.  When  that  time  comes,  we  must  be  prepared  to  have  them 
express  their  judgment  as  to  whether  they  desire  to  spend  their  money 
for  these  officers.  Indeed,  at  the  present  time,  it  is  to  be  doubted 
whether  the  Chinese  Church  would  have  a paid  district  superinten- 
dency at  all,  if  they  had  to  support  it. 

4.  As  to  Chinese  bishops,  all  of  the  groups  in  Foochow,  Shang- 
hai, and  Peking  with  whom  this  matter  was  discussed  were  unanimous 
that  the  time  has  come  when  the  Church  in  China  should  have  Chinese 
episcopal  supervision.  It  would  be  fatal,  however,  for  us  to  think  of  a 
Chinese  bishop  as  a general  superintendent,  elected  by  the  General 
Conference,  and  supported  by  foreign  money.  It  would  be  equally 
fatal  to  try  to  unite  the  Chinese  on  one  bishop  for  the  North,  the  West, 
the  South,  and  Central  China.  Chinese  episcopal  supervision,  it  is 
agreed  by  all,  should  begin  with  some  modified  form  of  the  episcopacy 
in  one  or  more  of  these  limited  areas,  a man  chosen  by  the  Chinese 
themselves  and  supported  by  them  with  salaries  and  duties  fixed  in  their 
own  legal  conferences. 

In  other  words  the  beginnings  of  a Christian  Church  in  a non- 
Christian  country  should  be  simple  in  organization,  adapted  to  the 
genius  of  the  people,  a natural  and  normal  expression  of  their  own 
desires,  and  above  everything  else  there  should  be  plenty  of  allowance 
for  such  modification  and  natural  growth  as  is  possible  among  the 
people  themselves. 

5.  In  China,  as  in  India,  the  Philippine  Islands  and  Korea,  there 
repeatedly  came  up  for  discussion  the  question  of  the  adaptation  of  our 
Church  organization  so  as  greatly  to  reduce  its  overhead  expense  with 
a larger  emphasis  upon  an  unpaid  ministry.  It  will  be  seen,  at  once, 
that  such  a program  has  a direct  bearing  upon  our  problem  of  self- 
support  and  upon  the  appropriations  from  this  Board,  for  what  we 
call  the  work  budget.  The  point  I desire  to  make  here  is,  that  it  is 
hardly  fair  for  us  to  insist  that  the  Chinese  should  support  an  over- 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


31 


head  Church  organization  which  they,  themselves,  had  no  part  in  form- 
ing, and  it  is  equally  clear  that  as  long  as  that  organization  is  com- 
pletely financed  from  abroad,  it  will  not  really  take  hold  in  the  life  and 
consciousness  of  the  Chinese  people.  Our  problem,  therefore,  seems 
to  be  to  permit,  by  General  Conference  action  and  by  constitutional 
methods,  such  adaptations  of  our  temporal  economy  as  will  give  to  us 
a Church  in  China  that  is  a true  expression  of  the  genius  of  the  Chinese 
people.  Incidentally,  probably  no  man  in  the  world  would  have  seen 
this  more  clearly  and  have  adopted  it  more  eagerly  than  John  Wesley 
himself.  The  privileges  that  the  Methodists  had,  when  they  established 
their  organization  in  America  in  their  first  General  Conference,  ought 
to  be  as  eagerly  granted  by  us  to  the  Methodists  of  other  countries. 

This  raises  the  question  as  to  the  relation  of  our  Chinese  Method- 
ism to  church  unity  and  a National  Church  in  China,  and  to  our  inter- 
national Methodism.  As  in  India,  so  in  China,  we  found  that  our 
national  Christian  leaders  and  our  missionaries  have  not  yet  found 
their  minds  on  this  matter.  In  speaking  to  the  question,  we  acknowl- 
edged at  all  times  that  in  the  last  analysis  the  nationals  would  decide 
this  matter  for  themselves.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  pointed  out 
to  them,  as  faithfully  as  possible,  what  was  involved  in  the  withdrawal 
of  our  foreign  churches  from  our  international  organization.  We  also 
brought  to  their  attention,  that  a National  Church  did  not  necessarily 
mean  a United  National  Church.  It  was  more  likely  to  mean  uniformity 
and  a deadening  conformity  to  the  nationalist  spirit,  in  a day  when, 
more  than  ever  before,  we  needed  the  international  outlook,  contacts, 
and  organization.  Very  much  depends  in  this  matter  on  the  attitude 
of  the  churches  in  America  in  the  next  few  years.  Lack  of  confidence 
in  the  future  of  China,  withdrawal  of  support  from  our  Chinese  Chris- 
tians at  the  present  time,  regardless  of  what  modifications  may  be 
made  in  our  missionary  approach  and  in  our  Church  organization,  and 
-especially  any  evidence  that  we  are  not  standing  by  our  Chinese  Chris- 
tians to  the  limit,  in  these  days  of  terrible  testing,  will  be  interpreted 
by  some  Chinese  as  reason  for  strengthening  the  National  Church 
movement. 

III.  Christian  Education  in  China 

There  is  no  more  important  and  no  more  difficult  problem  which 
we  have  to  face  in  China,  today,  than  that  of  our  Christian  schools. 
The  day  schools,  the  middle  schools,  the  boarding  schools,  the  colleges, 
our  theological  training  schools,  and  our  great  union  universities  are 
all  facing  a new  situation  in  education  and  new  relationships  to  govern- 
ment. The  whole  issue  is  made  very  concrete  around  the  question  of 
registration. 

We  certainly  must  recognize  the  right  of  China  to  determine  her 
own  general  educational  policies.  The  aims,  content  of  instruction,  and 
educational  methods  must  be  her  own.  She  has  also  the  right  to  relate 
the  education  of  her  youth  to  her  own  national  life,  and  to  make  every 
school  a center  of  patriotic  instruction,  quite  as  much  so  as  we  do  in 
America,  especially  among  our  foreign  speaking  peoples. 


32 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


The  Chinese  recognize  that  the  only  hope  of  unifying  their  country 
lies  in  an  educational  system  that  is  definitely  Chinese,  with  coiumon 
ideals  and  common  goals  of  instruction  for  the  country.  It  is  well  known 
that  China’s  modern  education  began  in  Mission  schools,  in  which  educa- 
tion was  conducted  by  American,  English,  Scotch,  Irish,  Scandinavians, 
Germans,  French,  Italians,  Russians,  Japanese,  and  possibly  others.  It 
must  also  be  kept  in  mind  that,  for  over  a quarter  of  a century,  China 
has  been  sending  her  most  capable  sons  and  daughters  for  their  college 
and  university  and  technical  training,  in  numbers  into  the  thousands, 
to  Japan,  America,  England,  Germany,  France,  and  Russia.  The  de- 
mands for  a national  educational  policy  in  China  have  come  from  this 
group,  known  in  China  as  the  “returned  students.” 

It  must  also  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  registration  of  schools,  with 
government  curricula  and  supervision,  has  arisen  in  the  Chinese 
National  Educational  Association,  and  is  not  a product  of  Kuomintang, 
Russian  radicalism,  or  the  parties  of  the  present  revolution.  We  prob- 
ably would  have  been  required  to  meet  this  educational  situation,  even 
though  the  present  revolution  had  not  occurred.  The  Peking  govern- 
ment has  long  since  demanded  the  registration  of  our  schools  in  North 
China,  and  most  of  them  have  met  the  situation. 

To  be  sure,  the  new  Nationalist  Government,  especially  under  the 
influence  of  radical  elements,  is  taking  advantage  of  registration  to 
force,  not  only  the  nationalization  of  the  schools,  but  also  is  imposing 
conditions  which  may  be  intended  to  make  it  impossible  for  private  edu- 
cation to  exist,  and  for  Christian  schools  to  carry  on  with  a definite 
Christian  purpose.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  these  conditions  will 
prevail. 

The  Christian  Church  will  have  no  difficulty  in  accepting  Chinese 
leadership  and  administration  for  their  schools.  They  will  also  accept ' 
patriotic  education  as  having  a rightful  place  in  a Christian  school, 
whether  or  not  the  form  of  government  under  which  we  conduct  our 
schools  is  different  from  our  own.  We  will  also  be  willing  to  put  chapel 
attendance,  Bible  study,  and  other  methods  of  religious  education  on  a 
voluntary  basis.  If  our  experience  in  India  with  the  conscience  clause, 
and  in  Japan  with  these  limitations  in  registration  means  anything,  we 
have  nothing  to  fear  except,  possibly,  some  temporary  embarrassment 
due  to  the  present  war  psychology  and  with  the  present  strong  propa- 
ganda against  religion  of  any  kind,  and  especially  against  Chris- 
tianity. 

This  antagonism,  in  our  judgment,  is  a passing  phase  in  China’s 
life,  just  as  the  acute  discussions  on  the  conscience  clause  in  India  were 
a passing  phase.  In  Japan,  while  compulsory  chapel  attendance  is  im- 
possible in  registered  schools,  chapel  is  made  so  attractive  and  is  so 
much  a part  of  the  organized  life  of  the  school  that  the  boys  and  girls 
take  it  for  granted  and  attend  almost  lOO  per  cent. 

What  our  Chinese  Christians  are  standing  out  for,  with  their  own 
government  officials,  is  the  right  of  private  education  to  exist,  with  the 
principle  of  religious  liberty  fully  guaranteed,  and  with  non-interference 
in  academic  freedom  assured,  a struggle  which  by  no  means  is  yet  set- 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA  33 

tied,  but  which  is  an  inevitable  conflict  and  which  in  the  end  may  greatly 
strengthen  the  position  of  the  Christian  schools. 

The  present  difficulty  in  registration  is  with  the  continual  shifting 
of  the  conditions  of  registration,  and  the  multiplicity  of  demands  and 
limitations  due  to  the  uncertain  and  unstable  political  situation.  Out- 
advice  in  China  was  that  we  should  not  register  except  under  conditions 
which  would  guarantee  to  us  the  Christian  purpose  of  our  schools,  guar- 
anteeing to  our  Chinese  Christians  full  religious  liberty  and  to  our 
schools  academic  freedom,  but,  at  the  same  time,  with  unquestionable 
patriotic  loyalty  to  China,  with  the  schools  properly  supervised  by  the 
Chinese  government.  If  these  conditions  did  not  exist  and  there  was 
likelihood  of  our  closing  our  schools,  we  then  recommended  registra- 
tion in  preference  to  closing,  in  order  to  take  the  chance,  as  registered 
schools,  to  help  modify  the  restrictions.  We  kept  reminding  our  lead- 
ers that  if  conditions  prevailed  which  would  make  it  impossible  for  us 
to  keep  our  schools  open,  those  conditions  would  arise  out  of  a situation 
which  would  tend  to  drive  Christian  schools  out  of  China  altogether. 

The  problems  of  our  schools  in  China  are  not  confined  to  those 
of  registration  and  government  supervision.  If  Christian  education 
is  to  be  maintained,  it  must  be  upon  the  basis  that  the  best  education 
possible  is  given  in  an  atmosphere  thoroughly  Christian,  and  with  defi- 
nite Bible  instruction  and  Christian  training.  In  order  to  do  this  our 
schools  can  no  longer  be  left  to  the  uncertainties  of  annual  appropria- 
tions from  a fluctuating  income.  This  problem  is  particularly  acute 
with  our  middle  schools.  No  subject  was  more  thoroughly  considered 
in  our  conference  in  Shanghai  than  the  desperate  need  of  our  middle 
schools,  and  in  the  findings  of  that  conference  there  are  definite  recom- 
mendations. 

Here  is  one  of  the  greatest  challenges  that  we  have  to  our  Church 
in  America,  where  there  is  now  a deeper  appreciation  of  our  Church 
schools  and  a greater  willingness  to  supply  them  with  adequate  build- 
ings, equipment,  and  endowment  than  ever  before  in  our  history.  The 
endowment  of  our  schools  in  China  in  the  sum  total  is  too  meager  for 
mention.  In  America,  our  schools  are  maintained  by  tuition  fees,  the 
income  from  endowment,  and  by  special  current  subscriptions,  and  by 
appropriations  from  the  general  educational  funds  of  the  Church 
through  the  Board  of  Education.  In  China,  our  schools  are  maintained 
on  the  fees  and  the  appropriations  of  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions, 
which  appropriations  are  to  the  schools  in  China  what  the  appropria- 
tions of  the  Board  of  Education  are  to  the  current  expenses  of  the 
Church  schools  in  America.  This  means  that  the  schools  are  too  large, 
are  understafifed,  are  ill  equipped,  and  have  a constant  fight  to  keep 
open  from  year  to  year. 

This  is  one  of  our  biggest  missionary  opportunities  in  China  today. 
We  should  decide,  which  will  not  be  difficult,  which  of  these  schools 
should  permanently  survive,  and  then  ask  the  Church  to  provide  an 
adequate  endowment  and  equipment  fund  to  enable  them  to  serve  effec- 
tively the  present  day,  this  being  a necessary  condition  to  enable  the 
Chinese,  in  the  future,  to  control  and  support  their  schools,  themselves. 


34 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


China’s  problem  is  only  a reflection  of  similar  situations  in  Japan, 
Korea,  Malaysia,  India,  Africa,  Latin  America,  and  Europe. 

IV.  Medical  Work 

Aside  from  the  problems  which  will  arise  in  connection  with  indi- 
vidual hospitals,  some  of  which  are  very  important,  it  is  clear  that  our 
medical  work  will  be  increasingly  in  the  hands  of  Chinese  superinten- 
dents and  physicians. 

Peking  Union  Medical  College  is  probably  the  finest  institution  of 
its  kind  in  the  world.  It  is  giving  the  Chinese  a medical  training  and 
equipment  second  to  none.  The  Chinese,  with  their  aptitude  for  ac- 
curate scholarship,  their  deft  and  sensitive  fingers  and  hands  under 
perfect  control,  and  their  never  ending  patience,  are  endowed  with  gifts 
which  help  to  make  them  capable  surgeons  and  doctors. 

Peking  Union  Medical  College  has  a very  definite  policy  of  devo- 
lution. It  provides  that  all  professional  positions  shall  be  among  the 
first  to  be  turned  over  to  the  Chinese,  and  every  foreign  doctor  has  a 
definite  program  of  training  a Chinese  to  take  his  own  department  or 
work.  In  some  cases,  the  time  schedule  is  actually  set  so  that  the  for- 
eign doctor  knows  when  his  time  is  up  and  when  he  must  give  way  to  a 
capable. Chinese  successor,  and  be  retained  only  as  a helper  under  Chi- 
nese supervision.  The  next  step  is  to  turn  over  the  administrative  work 
to  the  Chinese,  and  in  this  there  is  the  same  program.  The  last  stage 
in  devolution  is  the  turning  over  of  the  financial  support  of  the  institu- 
tion. One  is  impressed  at  Peking  Union  Medical  College  by  the  fact 
that  this  program  is  all  understood  definitely,  is  planned  for,  and  is 
being  gradually  realized.  I asked  one  of  our  own  cooperating  physi- 
cians who  is  soon  to  go  on  furlough,  whether  he  would  be  returning 
to  Peking  Union  Medical  College.  He  said  he  was  not  sure,  but  he 
had  been  invited  back  for  another  four  years,  and  if  he  came  that 
would  be  as  long  as  he  could  stay,  for  at  the  end  of  that  time  it  was 
expected  that  he  would  have  a thoroughly  equipped  Chinese  doctor  to 
head  his  department,  as  a specialist  in  tuberculosis. 

Since  our  largest  medical  work  as  a Board  is  in  China,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  situation  which  we  now  confront  will  have  a direct  bearing 
upon  our  sending  of  foreign  doctors  to  China.  No  one  would  mean  to 
intimate  that  no  additional  foreign  doctors  are  needed.  The  Chinese, 
themselves,  will  call  for  such  help  and  we  should  be  ready  to  respond. 

V.  Property  Problems 

Our  property  problems  apparently  divide  themselves  into  three 
groups : first,  the  Chinese  churches  and  parsonages ; second,  institu- 
tions, educational,  medical,  etc. ; third,  missionary  residences. 

I.  After  carefully  studying  and  discussing  the  policy  of  the  Young 
Men’s  Christian  Association  and  the  Young  Women’s  Christian  Asso- 
ciation in  China,  our  conference  groups  in  Foochow,  Shanghai,  and 
Peking  were  all  unanimous  in  recommending  that  steps  be  taken  to  turn 
our  church  property  over  to  some  responsible  Chinese  holding  body  or 
bodies.  A necessary  condition,  of  course,  is  a responsible  government. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


35 


under  which  some  holding  body  can  be  incorporated  or  registered,  to 
which  the  church  property  and  parsonages  can  be  deeded.  The  Young 
Men’s  Christian  Association  has  a national  holding  body  which  owns 
all  but  a few  local  Association  buildings,  and  some  of  these  are  now  in 
process  of  being  turned  over.  A few  Y.M.C.A.  buildings  remain  in 
foreign  settlements  or  concessions,  and  therefore  are  outside  the  juris- 
diction of  a Chinese  holding  body.  Our  groups  debated  whether  or  not 
the  Annual  Conferences  should  be  incorporated,  or  whether  some  hold- 
ing body  for  all  China  should  be  organized.  The  Chinese  feel  the 
necessity  for  some  such  policy,  but  all  agree  that  a plan  should  be 
found  that  will  protect  the  property  from  any  unscrupulous  or  unsym- 
pathetic local  governments. 

The  general  feeling  is  that  an  Executive  Board,  possibly  the  China 
section  of  the  Executive  Board  of  the  Eastern  Asia  Central  Confer- 
ence, should  be  incorporated  for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  property 
of  Chinese  churches  and  parsonages.  We  recommend  that  a commission 
be  constituted  in  China,  or  that  we  petition  the  Central  Conference  of 
Eastern  Asia  to  take  the  necessary  steps  to  create  such  a holding  body. 
It  may  take  years  to  perfect  the  arrangements,  but  it  is  none  too  early 
to  begin  this  important  step.  We  will  need  to  remind  ourselves  that 
it  is  just  as  important  for  the  property  which  the  Chinese,  themselves, 
will  own  and  maintain  in  the  future,  as  it  is  for  the  property  which 
has  been  purchased  and  maintained  by  the  Board’s  appropriations 
and  whose  titles  are  now  in  our  name. 

2.  As  to  educational  institutions  and  hospitals,  it  seems  clear, 
that  in  ways  which  the  new  registration  laws  will  demand,  each  institu- 
tion must  be  considered  by  itself,  and  that  probably  Chinese  boards 
of  managers  must  be  created  with  whom  the  Board  of  Foreign  Mis- 
sions and  Boards  of  Trustees  in  America  can  negotiate  for  any  proper- 
ties involved. 

3.  It  would  seem  wise  for  us  to  treat  separately  the  missionary 
residences  and  compounds.  In  every  missionary  center,  sometimes  on 
the  very  best  possible  building  locations,  we  have  large  foreign  resi- 
dences for  our  missionaries,  which  will  be  of  doubtful  value  to  the 
Chinese  in  the  future.  Most  notable  of  all  is  the  large,  much  dis- 
cussed compound  in  Peking,  which  already  is  furnishing  a difficult 
problem  with  which  to  deal.  As  long  as  the  Board  is  responsible  for 
sending  and  keeping  missionaries  in  China,  these  residences  are  the 
responsibility  of  the  Board.  If  missionaries  are  no  longer  needed  in 
any  centers  and  are  transferred  to  other  centers,  we  should  be  perfectly 
free  to  transfer  with  them  their  residences. 

Some  of  the  missionary  residences  are  very  large.  Most  of  them 
are  in  excellent  condition.  They  were  built  in  the  days  when  a few 
thousand  dollars  would  erect  and  furnish  a house  costing  from  five  to 
ten  times  that  sum  in  America.  Some  of  them  are  a burden  to  our 
missionaries  to  maintain,  and  we  may  have  requests  to  make  over  some 
of  the  residences  into  duplex  houses,  or  first  and  second  floor  apart- 
ments. 

4.  It  is  agreed  by  all  that  now  is  no  time  for  any  building  opera- 


36 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


tions  of  any  sort  in  China,  but,  rather,  a time  of  careful  conservation 
of  all  of  our  property  interests,  and  of  study  for  its  wise  use  and  care. 

5.  The  acute  financial  situation  in  a number  of  our  Annual  Con- 
ferences will  lead  to  some  very  definite  recommendations  for  the  dis- 
posal of  certain  pieces  of  property,  in  order  to  write  off  these  obliga- 
tions, and  further  aid  the  current  budget  through  savings  in  interest 
on  accumulated  deficits.  Our  ability  to  negotiate  such  transactions  will 
depend  in  a measure  on  political  conditions,  but  there  are  situations 
where  these  conditions  are  not  factors  where  we  should  give  considera- 
tion to  the  definite  proposals,  as  they  are  presented. 

6.  One  of  the  most  important  property  problems  which  the  Board 
needs  to  consider  is  our  policy  with  reference  to  Board  property  looted, 
stolen,  and  destroyed  in  the  process  of  present  war  conditions.  On  the 
advice  of  the  Embassy  in  Peking,  the  American  consuls  in  China  are 
asking  all  Americans  to  file  statements  of  all  losses  due  to  these  causes. 
This  is  being  done  as  rapidly  as  possible.  The  Board  must  decide 
whether  or  not  it  will  seek  indemnity  from  the  Chinese  for  such  prop- 
erty destroyed.  If  any  responsible  Chinese  government  offers  to  restore 
such  property  that  is  one  possibility.  It  is  quite  a different  policy  for 
our  Board  to  file  its  claims  and  be  included  in  the  demands  which  our 
government  may  make  upon  the  Chinese  for  the  restitution  of  destroyed 
property.  Already,  other  Christian  groups  in  China  have  openly  de- 
clared that  they  will  not  accept  such  indemnity,  and  we  understand  that 
the  International  Committee  of  the  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association 
has  sent  formal  notice  to  the  State  Department  in  Washington,  and 
through  them  to  the  American  Minister  in  Peking,  that  they  would  not 
ask  indemnity  for  any  destroyed  Y.M.C.A.  property  in  China.  Our 
recommendation  is  that  this  Board  now  send  official  word  to  the  State 
Department  that  we  will  ask  no  property  indemnities. 

VI.  Standing  the  Test 

This  is  the  day  of  the  Christian  movement  in  China.  The  Chinese 
Church  is  being  tried  as  by  fire,  is  being  purged  and  is  standing  the 
test.  The  strength  of  the  foundations  of  the  years  is  now  being 
revealed.  “The  foundation  is  laid,  namely  Jesus  Christ,  and  no  one 
can  lay  any  other.  On  that  foundation  any  one  may  build  gold,  silver, 
precious  stones,  wood,  hay,  or  straw,  but  in  every  case  the  nature  of  his 
work  will  come  out.”  Those  few  who  have  looked  upon  material  things 
— -property,  buildings,  equipment,  organization,  statistics  and  the  like — 
as  the  outward  signs  of  Christian  triumphs,  may  find  themselves  per- 
plexed, discouraged  and  possibly  disillusioned,  but  the  hosts  who  have 
been  planning,  working,  praying  and  hoping  for  signs  of  spiritual 
reality  in  Chinese  Christians,  for  an  awakening  sense  of.  responsibility 
and  initiative  in  the  Chinese  Church  and  for  evidences  that  Jesus 
Christ  is  at  home  in  China  will  rejoice  and  be  heartened.  They  will 
work  and  give  with  a new,  determined  purpose  that  Jesus  Christ  may 
become  fully  known  to  this  great  people. 

Respectfully  submitted. 

At  Sea,  June  28  to  July  12,  1927  Ralph  E-  Diffendorfer. 


Exhibit  “A” 

INTERVIEW  WITH  DR.  CHUN  OF  CANTON 


“In  1911,  Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen  successfully  established  the  Republic  of  China 
in  the  first  revolution.  At  that  time,  Yuan  Shai  Kai  was  the  only  opposing 
factor,  in  the  Manchu  regime.  In  the  fall  of  1911,  Dr.  Sun  was  elected  pro- 
visional president  of  the  Chinese  Republic.  He  came  to  office  on  January 
1,  1912.  Yuan  Shai  Kai  promised  Dr.  Sun  to  dethrone  the  Emperor  of  the 
Manchu  dynasty  if  Dr.  Sun  would  resign  the  presidency  in  favor  of  Yuan 
Shai  Kai.  Dr.  Sun  favored  the  proposition  if  Yuan  would  be  true  to  the 
Republic  of  China.  Dr.  Sun  resigned  in  favor  of  Yuan.  Yuan  took  the 
power  and  made  himself  the  Emperor  of  China,  calling  it  the  Yuan  dynasty. 
He  overthrew  the  Republic.  Dr.  Sun  started  another  revolution  to  over- 
throw Yuan  because  he  was  not  true  to  the  Republic.  Yuan’s  dynasty  was 
destroyed  in  the  same  year  by  Sun’s  forces.  All  the  revolutions  of  China 
have  started  in  Canton.  However,  Dr.  Sun  did  not  get  the  supreme  power. 
A military  man  controlled  the  northern  country  because  he  had  helped  Sun 
in  the  overthrow. 

“Then  Sun  began  to  formulate  another  revolution.  He  sought  the  help 
of  any  foreign  power  who  would  come  to  his  aid.  His  first  approach  was  to 
the  English.  The  British  merchants  of  Hongkong  supplied  money  and  guns. 
In  1920,  when  Sun’s  forces  were  defeated  in  Canton,  Great  Britain  changed 
her  policy  and  no  longer  gave  Sun  any  assistance,  because  they  thought  that 
Sun  would  never  come  into  power  again.  That  was  the  turning  point  in 
British  policy.  They  prohibited  Sun  from  landing  in  Canton.  He  then 
began  to  seek  the  help  of  Lenin  in  Soviet  Russia  in  1921.  From  that  time 
on,  Russian  agents  and  officers  were  sent  to  China.  Borodin  was  sent  by 
Lenin. 

“The  aims  of  Soviet  Russia  in  China  have  been  first  to  use  China  as  an 
instrument  against  England,  and  second  to  spread  the  doctrine  of  world 
revolution. 


“The  Kuomintang  was  started  by  Dr.  Sun,  40  years  ago.  Soviet  Russia 
at  first  limited  its  activities  to  Canton.  They  agitated  among  the  laboring 
classes,  and  among  the  students.  The  common  people  and  those  with  little 
sense  were  the  easiest  to  excite.  Students  and  laborers  have  been  the 
weapons  of  the  Kuomintang  during  the  last  few  years.  The  Kuomintang 
had  no  army  of  its  own  in  the  beginning.  Gen.  Ch'iang  Kai  Shek,  the  com- 
mander-m-chief  of  the  nationalist  army,  was  a favorite  young  friend  of  Dr. 

^ _Chiang  is  only  41  years  of  age  at  the  present  time.  After  the  death 
of  Dr.  Sun  two  years  ago,  he  took  the  lead  in  military  affairs  in  the  Southern 
army.  _ Upon  the  death  of  Dr.  Sun,  the  Kuomintang  split  into  the  right  and 
left  wings.  The  left  wing  favors  communism,  and  the  right  wing  upholds 
the  three  principles  of  Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen. 

“Chiang  never  put  himself  into  either  party.  Russia  helped  him  in  his 
northern  expedition  The  left  wing  has  divided  again  into  moderates  and 
extremists.  The  extremists  stand  for  taking  over  the  concessions  aTd  the 
custom  houses  by  force.  The  moderates  desire  the  same  ends,  but  Sot  bv 
^e  use  of  force.  Chiang  desires  to  use  negotiations,  alone,  with  the  Powers 
The  extremists  had  agreed  that  on  a certain  day  in  the  month  of  Ipr?l 
they  would  plunge  into  the  concessions  and  custom  houses  and  seize  them 

found  this  out  and  about  2 a.  m.  on  the  14th  he  f-aptured 
all  the  extremists  he  could  find.”  ’ oapturea 

As  to  the  effect  of  the  nationalist  movement  upon  the  Christians  of 
China,  our  young  friend  continued:  '-nristians  ot 

threw  stones  and  beat  their  drums  to  in- 
meetings.  Students  and  laboring  men  did  this  The  na 
tionalmt  movement  will  separate  the  real  Christians  from  the  unmanly 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


38 

Christians.  After  the  foreign  support  of  the  Church  has  been  compelled  to 
withdraw,  the  Chinese  Christians  are  learning  to  stand  on  their  own  feet. 
Most  of  the  churches  in  Canton  have  become  self-supporting  in  the  last  few 
years. 

“There  is  an  independent  South  China  Methodist  Conference.  In  that 
Conference,  are  15  churches  and  several  missions.  They  use  the  Methodist 
Discipline.  The  Conference  extends  through  Kwantung  Province.  There 
are  about  50  Christian  churches  of  different  denominations  in  Canton.  There 
is  a large  Roman  Catholic  Cathedral. 

“85  per  cent  to  90  per  cent  of  the  Chinese  people  in  America  come  from 
a little  section  of  four  counties  in  Kwantung  Province,  near  Canton.  Canton 
came  in  contact  early  with  foreign  influence.  Canton  is  the  first  Chinese 
city  to  take  modern  ideas.” 


Exhibit  B 

REGISTRATION  CONDITIONS  IN  FUKIEN  PROVINCE 
April,  1927 

To  Fukien  Christian  University; 

In  reply  we  beg  to  inform  you  that  matters  having  to  do  with  the  regis- 
tration of  schools  and  other  necessary  things  have  been  especially  prepared 
and  expressed  in  the  form  of  regulations.  It  will  be  necessary  for  you  to 
carry  out  these  instructions.  We  now  herewith  send  you  the  various  kinds 
of  regulations  under  separate  cover.  Please  note  and  act  accordingly. 

From  The  Educational  Bureau  of  Fukien  Political  Commission. 
Enclosures  under  separate  cover. 

A copy  of  the  regulations  for  private  schools. 

A copy  of  the  regulations  for  the  establishing  of  the  Board  of  Managers 
of  private  schools. 

A copy  of  the  regulations  for  the  registration  of  schools. 

A copy  of  the  rules  for  the  partynization  of  education. 

A copy  of  the  rules  for  the  weekly  memorial  service. 

April,  1927. 


Regitl,\tions  for  Private  Schools 


(Passed  by  the  Educational  Administrative  Committee  at  its  39th  meeting 
and  promulgated  on  October  18,  1926.) 


Art.  I.  The  term  Private  School  means  any  school  that  is  established 
by  private  persons  or  any  private  legal  body.  Schools  established  bv 
foreigners  and  churches  belong  to  this  category. 

Art.  II.  Private  schools  shall  be  under  the  supervision  and  direction  of 
the  Educational  Administrative  Office. 

Art.  III.  The  name  of  a private  school  shall  clearly  and  faithfully  indi- 
cate the  kind  of  the  school.  It  shall  be,  furthermore,  prefixed  with  two 
words,  “Private  Establishment.” 

Art.  IV.  The  founders  of  a private  school  shall  select  persons  to  be  or- 
ganized as  its  Board  of  Managers  and  to  have  the  whole  responsibility  for 
managing  the  school.  There  is  a set  of  regulations  for  the  establishment  of 
the  Board  of  Managers. 


Art.  V.  The  establishment  and  change  of  a private  school  shall  have  the 
permission  of  the  Office  in  Charge  of  the  Educational  Administration  through 
the  petition  of  its  Board  of  Managers. 

closing  up  of  a private  school  shall  be  done  through  the 
Managers  for  permission  from  the  Administrative 
property  and  other  belongings  of  the 
school  shall  be  liquidated  together  with  Government  representation. 

President  of  a private  school  shall  be  wholly  (completely) 
responsible  to  its  Board  of  Managers  for  the  administration  of  the  school. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA  39 


Officers  and  teachers  of  the  school  are  to  be  appointed  and  dismissed  by  the 
Pr6si(i6iit. 

Art.  Vlli.  No  foreigner  shall  be  eligible  for  presidency  of  a private 
school.  Under  conditions  foreigners  may  he  engaged  as  advisers. 

Art.  IX.  The  organization,  courses  of  studies,  teaching  schedule  and 
other  matters  of  a private  school  shall  be  based  on  the  Existing  Educational 
Ordins-HCGS 

Art.  X.  There  shall  be  no  required  religious  courses  in  any  private  school. 
There  also  shall  be  no  religious  propaganda  in  the  classes. 

Art.  XI.  If  there  shall  be  religious  services  in  a private  school  no  com- 
pulsory attendance  shall  be  allowed. 

Art.  XII.  The  school  affairs,  teaching  affairs,  and  other  matters  of  a 
private  school  shall  he  reported  from  time  to  time  to  the  Educational  Ad- 
ministrative Office  according  to  its  orders. 

Art.  XIII.  When  a private  school  shall  be  found  to  be  badly  managed  or 
to  he  in  violation  of  ordinances  the  Government  may  dissolve  it. 

Art.  XIV.  Any  private  school  that  has  not  registered  shall  register 
within  a time  limit  after  the  proclamation  of  the  present  regulations. 

' Art  XV.  These  regulations  go  into  effect  from  the  date  of  public  proc- 
lamation. 


Regulations  for  Private  Schools  for  Board  of  Managers 


(Passed  by  the  Educational  Administrative  Committee  at  its  40th  Meeting 
and  promulgated  on  October  18,  1926.) 

I.  In  a private  school  the  Board  of  Managers  shall  represent  the 
founders  in  the  management  of  the  school.  The  establishment  of  the  Board 
of  Managers  must  he  according  to  the  following  items,  to  he  reported  by  the 
founders  to  the  educational  administrative  office  for  approval. 

(1)  Purpose. 

(2)  Name. 

(3)  Location  of  Board  of  Managers’  office. 

(4)  Rules  for  the  organization  and  power  of  the  Board  of  Managers. 

(5)  Rules  for  the  big  meeting  of  the  Founders  and  the  meetings  of 
the  Board  of  Managers. 

(6)  Regulations  about  property,  funds  and  other  income. 

In  the  case  of  middle  or  lower  grade  schools  application  must  be  made 
by  the  Board  of  Managers  to  the  city  or  district  educational  bureau  to  be  for- 
warded to  the  provincial  educational  office.  In  the  case  of  a university  or 
specialized  college  the  Board  of  Managers  shall  apply  through  the  provincial 
educational  office  to  he  forwarded  to  the  national  educational  administrative 
committee.  In  forwarding  the  educational  office  must  make  investigation 
and  send  detailed  comments  for  consideration  of  the  national  educational 
administrative  committee.  Any  school  which  has  been  approved  by  the 
provincial  educational  office  for  registration  must,  through  its  Board  of 
Managers,  apply  to  the  national  educational  administrative  committee,  by 
the  provincial  educational  office,  for  future  reference. 

II.  After  being  granted  permission  to  establish  the  school  according  to 
Article  I the  Board  of  Managers  shall  within  a,  month  give  answers  to  the 
following  items  to  the  educational  administrative  office  of  the  province  for 
registration.  After  permission  is  given  for  registration  the  answers  to  the 
following  shall  be  tiled  in  tbe  office  of  the  Board  of  Managers  and  in  the 
local  educational  administrative  office. 


(1)  Name. 

(2)  Location  of  Managers’  Office. 

(3)  Date  for  permission  of  establishment. 

/r\  ^®tailed  list  of  property,  funds  and  other  sources  of  income 
(5)  Names,  home  addresses,  professions  and  local  addresses  of  mem- 
bers of  Board  of  Managers. 

ho  U,®  changes  in  the  above  paragraphs  2.  4.  and  5.  they  must 

be  reported  within  seven  days  to  the  educational  administrative  office  of  the 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


province  and  also  to  the  office  of  the  Board  of  Managers  and  to  the  local 

educational  administrative  office.  _ _ ^ r,f  the 

III.  The  following  are  the  principles  in  regard  to  the  power  o t 
Board  of  Managers,  with  the  exceptions  permitted  by  the  educational  ad- 
ministrative office  of  the  province  under  special  conditions. 

(1)  The  fnancial  responsibility  of  the  Board  of  Managers. 

(a)  Plan  for  finance. 

(b)  Approval  of  budgeting  and  auditing. 

(c)  Care  of  the  property. 

(d)  Supervision  of  finance. 

(e)  Other  financial  affairs. 

(2)  The  Board  of  Managers  will  select  a president  for  school  aa- 
ministration  with  full  responsibility.  The  board  shall  not  have 
any  direct  participation  in  administration.  The  president-ffiect 
shall  have  the  approval  of  the  educational  administrative  office. 
The  board  may  change  the  president  when  he  does  not  meet  the 


requirements  of  his  position. 

IV.  The  Board  of  Managers  may  employ  officers  or  employees  to  do  the 
work  of  their  office  according  to  their  own  rules. 

V.  When  necessary,  the  educational  administrative  office  may  investigate 
the  affairs  and  finances  of  the  Board  of  Managers. 

VI.  If  the  school  should  close  the  Managers  must  report  within  seven 
days  to  the  educational  administrative  office  for  the  clearing  up  of  the 
property  affairs.  When  everything  is  settled  a report  must  be  made  to  the 
educational  administrative  office. 

VII.  If  the  school  is  dissolved  the  Board  of  Managers  may  petition  the 
educational  administrative  office  for  permission  to  give  the  property  for  some 
other  educational  enterprise. 

VIII.  If  the  school  is  dissolved  and  if  the  property  has  no  owner,  then 


the  educational  administrative  office  m.ay  take  it  over. 

IX.  If  there  should  be  debts  an  appeal  can  be  made  to  a court  of  justice 
for  settlement. 


X.  If  the  Board  of  Managers  wish  to  dissolve  their  organization,  then 
they  must  appeal  to  the  educational  administrative  office  for  permission.  If 
their  registration  is  withdrawn  they  would  automatically  dissolve. 

XI.  The  Board  of  Managers  cannot  dissolve  the  school  without  the  per- 
mission of  the  educational  administrative  office. 

XII.  The  Board  of  Managers  shall  make  a report  within  thirty  days  after 
the  close  of  the  fiscal  year  of  the  following  matters,  together  with  a .list  of 
property  to  the  educational  administrative  office  and  to  the  office  of  the  Board 
of  Managers  and  to  the  office  of  the  local  educational  administrative  office. 

(1)  Administrative  affairs  of  the  school. 

(2)  Important  events  of  the  year. 

(3)  Amount  of  income  and  expenditure,  itemized. 

XIII.  No  foreigner  can  be  a member  of  the  Board  of  Managers,  but  under 
special  conditions  foreigners  may  serve  on  the  board,  but  the  natives  must 
have  a majority.  A foreigner  cannot  be  chairman  of  the  board. 

XIV.  These  regulations  will  apply  as  soon  as  they  are  proclaimed. 


Regul.stions  fok  Regi.str.^tiox  of  Schools 

(Passed  by  the  Educational  Administrative  Committee  at  its  39th  Meeting 
and  proclaimed  October  18,  1926.) 

1.  To  establish  a school,  with  the  exception  of  special  regulations,  regis- 
tration must  be  applied  for  to  the  educational  administrative  office,  in  the 
case  of  a public  school  by  the  person  in  charge  and  in  the  case  of  a private 
school  by  the  Board  of  Managers. 

In  applying  for  registration  a school  must  present  a petition  and  accom- 
panying documents.  Middle  and  lower  grade  schools  with  the  exception  of 


41 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


cii'hnols  pstablished  by  the  government,  must  apply  to  the  city  or  district  edn- 
ciril  Sau  A petitilii  to  te  lorwarcletl  W tho  provincial  edocalloiial 
office  In  case  of  a university  and  special  colleges,  except  those  nationally 
established,  application  must  be  through  the  provincial  educational  bureau 
to  be  forwarded  to  the  educational  administrative  committee  of  the  people  s 
government.  There  must  be  a detailed  investigation  and  comments  for- 
warded with  the  application.  , , i 

Any  school  whose  registration  has  been  approved  by  the  provincial  educa- 
tional office  must  send  on  its  petition  to  the  national  educational  administra- 
tion committee  for  reference. 

2.  Before  applying  for  registration,  established  schools  must  meet  the 
following  conditions: 

(a)  Funds.  . 

(1)  There  must  be  sufficient  property  or  income  the  proceeds  ot 
which  shall  meet  the  current  expenses  ot  the  school. 

(2)  Or  there  must  be  some  other  definite  source  of  income  sufficient 


to  meet  the  current  expenses. 

(3)  Or  if  there  is  no  property  or  definite  sources  of  income,  then 
some  other  sources  are  necessary  to  supply  enough  money  to 
meet  expenses. 

(b)  Ectuipment. 

There  shall  be  suitable  school  grounds  and  buildings  and  athletic 


grounds  and  school  and  teaching  equipment. 

(c)  Teachers  and  officers. 

Teachers  and  officers  must  have  proper  qualifications.  No  foreigner 
may  be  the  president. 

3.  Schools  when  applying  for  registration  must  answer  the  following- 
questions  and  provide  a map  of  the  school  property  with  explanations. 

(1)  Name  of  school,  both  Chinese  and  foreign,  if  such. 

(2)  Kind  of  school. 

(3)  Location. 

(4)  Course  of  study. 

(5)  List  of  teachers  and  officers  of  the  school. 

(6)  List  of  students. 

(7)  Funds  and  methods  of  maintaining. 

(8)  List  of  text  books  and  reference  books. 

(9)  Teaching  and  athletic  equipment  and  specimens. 

4.  When  the  educational  administrative  office  finds  that  a registered 
school  is  not  well  managed  or  has  poor  records,  it  may  withdraw  the  registra- 
tion. 


5.  If  a registered  school  wishes  to  close  or  change  it  must  petition  the 
educational  administrative  office  for  permission. 

6.  After  receiving  permission  to  be  established  a school  must  apply  for 
registration  within  three  months. 

7.  If  a school  is  not  registered  its  students  and  graduation  requirements 
cannot  be  recognized. 

8.  These  regulations  go  into  effect  on  the  date  of  their  proclamation. 


Ten  Items  of  Temporary  Practical  Applicatioiy  for  Partynized  Educa- 
tion BY  the  Bureau  of  Education  of  the  Commission  of  Political  Affairs 
OF  Fukien. 

1.  Every  school  shall  hold  a weekly  memorial  service  to  Dr.  Sun  Yat 
Sen  on  Monday.  (Order  of  Service  and  Regulations  enclosed  herewith  in 
separate  copies.) 

2.  Every  school  shall  have  one  hour’s  course  on  the  Three  People’s 
Principles  each  week.  The  teacher  of  this  course  is  to  be  engaged  by  the 
•school,  and  confirmed  by  the  Bureau  (of  Education). 

3.  Text  books  in  each  school  shall  be  examined  on  the  principle  that  they 
shall  not  be  inconsistent  with  the  Party  principles. 


42 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


4.  Every  school  must  post  the  news  about  the  progress  of  the  Revolution- 
ary ai-rny:  slogans,  publicity  works,  and  pictorial  papers. 

5.  Every  school  must  provide  various  literature  on  Partynized  Education 
for  reference  readings  for  its  teachers  and  students.  There  shall  also  be 
organized  a book  store  for  the  purpose  of  introducing  publications  relating 
to  the  Party. 

6.  Every  school  must  from  lime  to  time  engage  scholars  who  are  versed 
in  the  Three  People’s  Principles  to  give  public  lectures  on  the  Party  prin- 
ciples; the  people  of  the  locality  shall  be  welcome  to  attend.  There  shall 
also  be  provisions  to  promote  interest  in  attendance  but  they  shall  not  be 
inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  propagating  the  Party  ideals. 

7.  The  Boy  Scouts  of  every  school  shall  be  uniformly  changed  into  the 
Party  Boy  Scouts.  (The  Oath  and  Regulations  of  the  Party  Boy  Scouts  are 
enclosed  herewith  in  separate  copies.) 

8.  Each  school  shall  utilize  every  celebration  gathering  to  effect  Party 
Propaganda  according  to  the  publicity  principles  of  the  Party. 

9.  There  shall  be  regular  investigations  into  any  anti-party  principle 
propaganda  by  the  teachers  and  officers  of  every  school.  When  it  is  dis- 
covered there  shall  be  immediate  prohibition,  or  punishment  and  dismissal. 

10.  There  shall  be  sent  forth  special  persons  who  are  well  versed  in  the 
partynized  education  to  every  school  and  church  school  to  carefully  observe 
whether  or  not  they  are  conducted  strictly  according  to  the  principles. 

REGUI.ATIONS  OF  THE  WeEICLY  MEMORIAL  SERVICE 

Art.  1.  This  Society  for  the  purpose  of  permanently  remembering  our 
Last  Chief;  and  for  making  all  of  our  comrades  affected  by  his  spirit  of 
strife  and  sacrifice  for  all  the  people;  inspired  by  his  personality  of  wisdom, 
love  and  courage,  and  determined  to  continue  on  striving  for  carrying  through 
his  principles;  especially  decides  to  have  all  organizations  of  the  People”s 
Party  of  China  as  well  as  the  agencies  under  the  People’s  Government  and 
all  military  groups  observe  a weekly  memorial  service. 

Art.  2.  The  Weekly  Memorial  Service  shall  take  place  on  each  Monday 
morning  any  time  from  9 to  12.  The  period  of  service  shall  not  be  over  one 
hour.  The  time  may  be  changed  according  to  special  conditions. 

Art.  3.  The  Chairman  of  the  service  shall  be  a regular  committee  man  in 
the  case  of  the  various  classes  of  the  People’s  Party  of  China,  and  the  highest 
officer  in  charge  in  case  of  the  government  agencies  and  military  groups  of 
the  locality. 

Art.  4.  Order  of  Service; 

(1)  Congregation  standing. 

(2)  Three  bows  before  Last  Chief’s  Picture. 

(3)  Chairman  reading  Last  Chief’s  Will,  congregation  following. 

(4)  Three  minutes’  meditation  with  lowering  heads  before  the  Last 
Chief’s  Picture. 

(5)  Speech  or  Report  on  Politics. 

(6)  End  of  Service. 

Art.  5.  The  Central  Executive  Committee  will  distribute  hand  bills  in 
the  form  of  the  party  certificate,  each  with  a picture  of  Last  Chief,  his  will, 
mottoes,  and  these  regulations,  for  all  to  follow. 

Art.  6.  Should  there  be  discovery  of  non-energetic  execution  of  the 
Memorial  Service  or  secret  connivance  in  evading  it  by  open  pretensions,  the 
responsible  regular  committee  man  or  the  officer  in  charge  shall  be  besides 
being  dismissed  given  other  treatment. 

Art.  7.  All  members  of  the  People’s  Party  of  China  who  must  attend  the 
service  in  accordance  with  their  professions  or  other  relations,  must  gather 
together  before  the  Memorial  Service  begins.  They  shall  not  be  absent  con- 
secutively for  three  times;  there  will  be  punishment  for  such  a violation. 

Art.  8.  These  regulations  go  into  effect  on  the  day  when  they  are  passed 
by  the  Central  Executive  Committee. 

Note:  These  regulations  apply  to  all  the  organizations  and  militarv 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


43 


groups,  hence  it  is  provided  that  the  service  be  presided  over  by  the  highest 
officer  of  the  locality.  Now  that  these  regulations  are  applied  to  the  school, 
the  principal  of  the  school  shall  be  the  presiding  officer. 

Decoratiojm  of  Memorial  Service  Hall 

In  the  Service  Hall: 

In  the  middle — Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen’s  Picture. 

Above  the  picture — National  and  Party  Flags. 

On  both  sides  of  the  Picture: 

“The  Revolution  is  not  yet  a success.’’ 

“Comrades  must  fight  on.” 

Below — Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen’s  Last  Will. 

Platform. 

Pillars  and  walls  of  Hall  decorated  with  the  various  slogans  of  the  Party. 

ExMMt  G. 

Major  Issues  in  China 
As  Suggested  By  Missionaries  in  Foochow 

1.  The  place  of  the  missionary  in  the  China  of  tomorrow. 

2.  The  registration  of  schools. 

3.  The  development  of  an  indigenous  Chinese  Church. 

4.  The  church  and  its  relation  to  community  life. 

5.  The  relation  of  the  missionary  to  the  new  movements  in  China. 

6.  How  can  America  be  kept  informed  correctly  on  the  situation  in 
China? 

7.  What  is  to  be  the  future  policy  of  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions 
toward  China? 

8.  The  holding  of  property  in  China. 

9.  The  hospital  situation  in  Foochow. 

10.  What  are  to  be  the  relative  emphases  on  different  phases  of  Chris- 
tian work  in  China? 

11.  List  and  define  the  factors  or  tendencies  that  are  now  actually  affect- 
ing our  Christian  work. 

12.  The  problem  of  self-support. 

13.  The  education  in  America  of  Chinese  workers  for  the  Christian 
ministry  in  China. 

14.  Emergency  budget  due  to  the  various  evacuations. 

15.  The  future  ratio  of  missionaries  to  the  operating  budget. 

ExMMt  D. 

SUGGESTED  AGENDA 
For  Discussion  in  Shanghai,  May  5,  1927 

1.  Devotions. 

2.  Statement  of  results  desired. 

3.  The  Missionaries. 

(1)  Emergency  financial  needs  due  to  evacuation. 

(2)  How  long  should  missionaries  be  kept  waiting  for  settled  condi- 
tions? 

(3)  How  far  shall  consular  advice  be  considered  in  return  of  mis- 
sionaries to  stations? 

(4)  What  should  be  our  advice  to  missionaries  who  have  returned 
to  America? 

(5)  What  factors  should  determine  their  return  to  China? 

(6)  How  long  may  the  Board  and  the  Society  be  expected  to  provide 
for  them? 


44 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


(7)  Should  definite  plans  be  made  to  reduce  missionary  personnel? 

4.  The  Church. 

(1)  snail  we  continue  undimiuished  support  of  the  Chinese  Church, 
irrespective  of  failure  of  self  support? 

(2)  Shall  we  make  effort  to  eliminate  ineffective  workers? 

(3)  Shall  we  encourage  the  movement  toward  an  independent 
Church? 

(4)  Should  we  encourage  the  election  of  Chinese  bishops?  On  what 
basis? 

5.  Education. 

(1)  What  minimum  of  religious  work  shall  we  require,  to  justify 
opening  of  schools  and  use  of  missionary  money? 

(2)  Shall  we  allow  a faculty,  or  any  member,  to  be  appointed  by  Na- 
tionalists? Shall  we  permit  Nationalist  control  of  subject 
matter  in  any  given  course?  Shall  we  permit  the  appointment 
by  the  Nationalists  of  a “proctor”?  Shall  we  permit  student 
interference  in  choice  of  faculty  or  principal? 

(3)  If  schools  are  taken  over  by  Nationalists  and  all  religious  work 
eliminated,  should  missionaries  return  if  invited? 

(4)  Should  registration  be  postponed  in  hope  of  more  liberal  terms? 

(5)  Should  we  have  a Board  or  Boards  of  Trustees  in  America  for 
Middle  Schools  to  hold  endowment  funds? 

(6)  Should  we,  if  unable  to  carry  on  Christian  educational  work  in 
China,  attempt  to  establish  schools  outside  for  students  who 
wish  such  schools? 

(7)  Shall  we  continue  grants  to  students?  If  so,  on  what  basis? 

6.  Property. 

(1)  Shall  we  transfer  church  property  as  soon  as  possible  to  the 
Chinese  Church?  How? 

(2)  Should  school  and  hospital  property  be  transferred  with  church 
property? 

(3)  Shall  we  accept  reparations  for  destroyed  property? 

(4)  Shall  we  finish  buildings  in  process  of  building? 

(5)  Under  what  conditions  shall  we  begin  to  build  those  buildings 
for  which  money  is  provided? 

7.  Finance. 

(1)  On  what  basis  should  the  estimates  for  1928  be  made? 

(2)  How  will  the  present  conditions  affect  designated  gifts?  And 
how  will  this  affect  our  appropriations  for  1928? 

(3)  Should  there  be  a central  publicity  agency  for  this  country,  or 
should  each  mission  carry  on  its  own  publicity  measures  in 
America?  Relation  of  publicity  to  designated  gifts. 


Exhibit  E. 

SUGGESTED  AGENDA  FOR  FUKIEN  AREA  GROUP  MEETING 
Shanghai,  May  4,  1927. 

1.  General  statement.  Bishop  Wallace  E.  Brown. 

2.  Impressions  from  Foochow  and  objects  that  we  would  like  to  attain 
in  this  meeting.  Dr.  Ralph  E.  Diffendorfer. 

3.  Reports  from  the  Fukien  Conferences. 

4.  Discussion: 

Missionary  personnel. 

(1)  Should  all  missionaries,  now  absent  from  their  posts,  go  back 
upon  consular  permission,  or  should  the  Chinese  be  asked  to 
exercise  their  judgment  in  the  matter? 

(2)  What  stability  should  be  attained  in  Chinese  affairs  before 
missionaries  are  returned  from  the  United  States? 


45 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 

(3)  How  far  should  we  go,  at  present,  in  seeking  Chinese  coopera- 
tion in  our  policy  as  to  missionary  personnel  • 

(4)  If  definite  action  has  not  already  been  taken  in  Foochow,  what 
steps,  if  any,  should  he  taken  in  reducing  personnel? 

fSl  What  will  he  the  attitude  of  the  Board  in  continuing  salaries 
to  missionaries  who  have  accepted  government  appointment, 
and  who  continue  work  in  property  taken  over  by  the  National 
ist  government? 

Properf?/.^^^  policy  is  to  be  followed  in  the  holding  of  property?  Will 
the  Board  continue  to  hold  its  property  or  will  steps  be  taken 
to  hand  it  over  to  the  Chinese? 

(2)  What  is  the  attitude  toward  building  projects? 

(a)  Now  under  way? 

(b)  For  w'hich  funds  are  on  hand? 

(c)  Contemplated  for  the  future? 

FtTldTlCCt 

(1)  On  what  basis  should  the  estimates  for  1928  be  made? 

(2)  How  will  the  present  conditions  affect  designated  gifts?  And 
how  will  this  affect  our  appropriations  for  1928? 

(3)  Should  there  be  a central  publicity  agency  for  this  country,  or 
should  each  mission  carry  on  its  own  publicity  work  in  the 
United  States?  Relation  of  publicity  to  designated  gifts. 

Changing  conditions  and  future  policies. 

(1)  Registration  and  our  educational  policy. 

(2)  Changing  stress  in  missionary  work  caused  by  national  control 
of  educational  and  medical  work. 

(3)  What  qualifications  should  be  sought  among  prospective  mis- 
sionaries? Any  that  are  different  from  the  past?  Any 
different  balance  of  qualities? 

(4)  What  is  the  next  step  in  further  transfer  of  authority  and 
responsibility  to  the  Chinese? 

(5)  Should  we,  as  missionaries,  be  actively  for,  passive  to,  or  actively 
against  Methodist  participation  in  the  proposed  Chinese  National 
Christian  Church? 


Exhibit  F. 

FINDINGS  OF  A GROUP  OF  BISHOPS  AND  MISSIONARIES  OF  THE 
METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH,  FIFTY-FOUR  IN  NUMBER, 
WITH  DR.  AND  MRS.  DIFFENDORFER. 

Shanghai,  May,  5,  6,  10,  1927. 

A Democratic  World  Church 

The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  unique  among  all  Protestant  churches, 
holds  in  one  organic  fellowship  the  peoples  of  many  races  and  nations.  In 
its  General  and  Central  Conferences  these  races  and  nations  sit  in  fellowship 
as  children  of  one  Father.  This  world-wide  character  of  our  Church,  be- 
cause of  its  connectional  form  of  organization,  offers  an  opportunity  for 
the  further  development  of  this  fellowship,  and  provides  the  means  lor  dis- 
cussion and  development  of  a common  mind  and  a common  purpose  among 
all  the  peoples  of  the  world.  It  is  our  conviction  therefore  that  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church  has  a distinct  contribution  to  make  towards  the  Christian- 
ization of  international  contacts. 

Missionary  Aim 

We  wish  to  call  attention  to  this  statement  of  the  missionary  aim: 

“The  supreme  and  controlling  aim  of  foreign  missions  is  to  make  the 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


46 

Lord  Jesus  Christ  known  to  all  men  as  their  Divine  Saviour,  to  pervade 
them  to  become  His  disciples,  to  gather  these  disciples  into  Christian 
Churches  which  shall  be  self-propagating,  self-supporting  and  self-governing, 
and  to  cooperate  as  long  as  necessary  with  these  Churches  in  the  evangelizing 
of  their  countrymen,  and  in  bringing  to  bear  on  all  human  life  the  spirit 
and  principles  of  Christ.” 

In  accordance  with  the  above  declaration  as  to  the  character  of  the 
Church  to  which  we  belong  and  the  missionary  aim,  we  join  in  the  follow- 
ing statement  relative  to  a variety  of  subjects  that  have  to  do  with  the 
problems  immediately  confronting  our  Chinese  brethren,  the  Church  in 
America,  and  ourselves. 

Indigenous  Control 

The  Discipline  of  our  Church  gives  evidence  that  the  General  Conference 
early  recognized  the  right  of  the  growing  Church  in  every  land  to  indigenous 
control.  Increasing  provision  has  been  made  for  the  exercising  of  this  right, 
through  the  organization  of  Central  Conferences  with  gradually  augmented 
powers. 

We  believe  that  in  China  the  time  has  come  when  the  Central  Conference 
should  be  given  such  additional  powers  as  will  give  it  full  administrative 
control.  To  this  end  we  would  recommend  the  following  proposals. 

1.  Bishops  and  the  Central  Conference. 

We  favor  the  revision  of  the  Discipline  in  such  a way  that  the  Central 
Conference  may  elect  its  own  Bishops,  have  power  to  fix  their  salary  and 
determine  their  number  and  place  of  residence.  We  ask  the  Executive  Board 
of  the  Central  Conference  of  Eastern  Asia,  at  an  early  date,  to  study  the  ques- 
tion and  to  prepare  a concrete  detailed  plan  to  be  presented  to  the  Church 
through  Annual,  Central,  and  General  Conference. 

2.  Special  Session  of  Central  Conference  for  Election  of  Chinese  Bishops. 

As  soon  as  possible  after  legislation  has  been  approved  by  the  General 

Conference  authorizing  election  of  Bishops  by  the  Central  Conference,  we 
believe  that  a special  session  of  the  Central  Conference  should  he  called  for 
such  election. 

3.  Transfer  of  Church  Property  to  the  Chinese  Church. 

We  believe  that  local  church  property  in  China  should  be  transferred 
to  a Chinese  organization  as  soon  as  the  same  may  he  arranged.  To  this 
end  we  advise  the  incorporation  of  the  China  Section  of  the  Executive  Board 
of  the  Central  Conference  of  Eastern  Asia,  and  the  transfer  to  it  as  soon  as 
this  is  accomplished,  of  all  title  to  local  church  properties  by  the  Board  of 
Foreign  Missions.  The  Executive  Board  should  arrange  for  such  petitions 
to  the  Central  Conference,  the  General  Conference  and  the  Board  of  Foreign 
Missions  as  may  be  needed  for  changes  in  Disciplinary  provision  and  for  the 
transfer  of  local  church  property. 

Right  of  Self  Determination 

We  recognize  that,  ultimately,  the  Chinese  will  decide  for  themselves  as 
to  whether  or  not  they  will  find  the  best  expression  of  their  Christian  ex- 
perience in  organized  church  life  by  associating  themselves  with  this  world 
organization,  but  we  hope  that  every  opportunity  may  be  given  for  the 
fullest  discussion  and  comprehension  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese  of  what  is 
involved  in  this  relationship  before  action  is  taken. 

Self-Support 

Chinese  church  leaders  recognize  the  importance  of  self-support,  and  we 
are  confident  they  will,  of  their  own  accord,  increase  the  proportion  of 
self-support  as  rapidly  as  possible  until  entire  self-dependence  is  reached. 
We  suggest  that  stress  be  laid  upon  voluntary  service,  intensive  evangelism. 


47 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


sacrificial  giving,  and  the  whole  message  of  Christian  stewardship.  A Pro- 
gram of  gradual  reduction  of  foreign  subsidy  to  churches  already  organized 
should  be  planned,  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  and  the  Finance  Com- 
mittees cooperating  therein,  so  that  in  individual  churches  there  may  be  as 
rapid  advance  to  full  self-support  as  possible.  Thus,  increasingly,  funds  of 
the  Board  may  he  made  available  for  further  extension  of  Christian  activity 
to  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  cities,  towns  and  villages  which  have  no 
church  organization  and  where  the  Gospel  is  seldom  if  ever  preached.  Witii 
these  methods  our  faith  sees  a self-reliant,  self-supporting  Church  as  an 
accomplishment  of  the  near  future,  and  sees  a constant  increase  in  missionary 
spirit  and  activity. 

CONTINTTED  SUPPORT  FROM  ABROAD 


An  entirely  new  set  of  conditions,  stressful  in  the  extreme,  confront  the 
Chinese  Church  today.  In  addition  to  the  multitudes  of  imevangelized  and 
the  needs  of  our  educational  institutions,  there  are,  especially,  the  distress 
and  losses  incident  to  famine,  banditry  and  civil  war;  the  lack  of  employ- 
ment, the  burdensome  taxation  and  military  levies  facing  our  Chinese  Chris- 
tians. These  make  it  impossible  for  them  to  meet  these  emergent  demands 
and  carry  their  own  current  expenses.  It  is  therefore  imperative  that  the 
cooperation  of  the  American  Church  should  be  continued  in  full  measure. 


Unified  World  Organization 

In  order  to  relieve  the  General  Conference  of  administrative  matters 
that  relate  only  to  the  American  section  of  the  Church,  we  believe  the  time 
has  come  for  the  organization  of  a Central  Conference  in  the  United  States 
to  deal  with  the  great  mass  of  material  which  concerns  only  the  Church  in 
the  United  States,  and  which  now  consumes  such  a large  proportion  of  the 
General  Conference  session.  In  this  way,  the  General  Conference  would  be 
free  to  deal  manfully  with  those  phases  of  organized  church  life  that  have 
to  do  with  the  visible  expression  of  a world-wide  sweep  of  love,  fellowship 
and  cooperation  in  building  the  Kingdom  of  God  on  earth. 


Education — ^Suppoet  of  Middle  Schools 
As  to  the  importance  of  the  middle  schools,  and  as  to  the  necessity  of 
Mission  support  for  these  schools,  we  would  call  attention  to  the  following 
paragraphs  from  the  Report  of  the  China  Educational  Commission; 

“The  Christian  middle  schools  are  at  this  stage  the  most  vital  part 
of  the  whole  Christian  enterprise.  They  influence  young  people  at  the  time 
when  they  are  making  life  decisions,  choosing  vocations,  fixing  personal 
habits  and  social  attitudes,  beginning  to  form  permanent  attachments  to 
friends,  masters,  school,  and  church,  and  accepting  or  rejecting  Christian- 
ity. They  touch  the  great  middle  classes  of  society  among  which  the 
Church  is  now  growing  and  gaining  its  greatest  strength.  They  do  not 
produce  the  foremost  leaders,  but  furnish  the  body  of  sturdy  supporters  of 
Christian  society. 

It  is  not,  however,  likely  that  the  Church  itself 

can  soon  undertake  the  main  support  of  this  grade  of  school.  Therefore 
the  Missions  should  consider  the  support  of  their  middle  schools  one  of 
the  first  and  largest  items  on  their  budgets.  In  some  Missions  this  may 
mean  closing  primary  schools  or  withdrawing  from  college  work  or 
definitely  uniting  with  other  Missions  to  make  the  middle  school  work 
strong.” 

In  the  matter  of  self-support,  we  believe  that  educational  institutions 
should^  be  considered  apart  from  the  organized  church.  Generally  speaking, 
our  middle  schools  have  made  great  advances  during  the  last  few  years  in 
the  matter  of  increased  fees,  as  in  other  things,  so  that  students  in  our 
schools  are  now  generally  paying  for  their  education  fully  as  much  as  stu- 
dents in  church  schools  in  America,  when  the  cost  of  living  is  taken  into 
account. 


48 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


War,  revolutions  and  famine  have,  for  the  time  being,  reduced  enroll- 
ment in  some  centers  so  that,  under  these  conditions,  increased  income  from 
abroad  is  necessary  if  our  middle  schools  are  not  to  be  discontinued  in  the 
same  way  as  have  most  of  our  day  schools. 

Even  in  America,  educational  institutions  are  not  expected  to  suppoit 
themselves  from  student  fees  or  local  contributions,  but  are  dependent  upon 
large  endowment  funds.  No  argument  need  to  be  made  in  stating  that 
similar  conditions  prevail  in  China  and  in  larger  measure.  The  resources 
of  the  Chinese  Church  are  overstrained  in  bringing  the  evangelistic  work  to 
self-support.  The  middle  schools  can  expect  little  or  nothing  for  endow- 
ment from  Chinese  sources.  The  middle  schools  must  continue  to  look  to 
America  for  funds  for  upkeep  and  endowment. 

A Boakd  of  Trustees  in  America 

In  some  instances  boards  of  trustees  in  America  have  been  organized 
for  middle  schools,  but  it  is  obvious  that,  were  all  of  our  middle  schools  to 
thus  organize,  there  would  be  an  undesirable  multiplicity  of  such  boards.  It 
is  our  judgment,  therefore,  that  there  should  be  organized  in  America  one 
board  of  trustees  for  our  middle  schools  in  China,  the  primary  object  of 
which  would  be  the  holding  in  trust  and  the  proper  administration  of  endow- 
ment funds  for  our  middle  schools  individually  and  collectively,  entirely 
apart  from  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions;  and  holding  in  these  matters  the 
same  relationship  as  do  the  boards  of  trustees  of  the  union  universities.  It 
is  our  judgment  that  this  board  should  be  constituted  in  America,  because 
of  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs  in  China  and  the  general  insecurity  of  in- 
vestments here,  and  also  because  the  Chinese  Church  has  not  yet  available 
sufficient  personnel  experience  in  the  handling  of  large  financial  matters. 

Should  it  not  be  found  practical  to  develop  this  plan  in  -the  very  near 
future,  some  other  means  must  be  found  for  increased  support  for  these 
schools,  or  the  early  closing  of  some  of  our  best  schools  will  be  forced  upon  us. 

Christian  Schools  and  the  Government 

We  recognize  the  right  of  a government  to  control  its  educational  insti- 
tutions. In  establishing  educational  institutions  in  China,  it  has  been  our 
purpose  to  give  opportunities  for  expression  of  patriotic  aims  and  of  national 
consciousness.  We  have  sought  to  make  the  education  we  offer  both  Chris- 
tian and  patriotically  Chinese.  We  have  emphasized  above  the  importance 
of  education  in  the  life  of  the  Church.  In  scientific  educational  work,  the 
student  desires  and  should  be  given  the  opportunity  for  thoroughgoing,  un- 
biased investigation  of  all  those  forces  and  factors  entering  into  and  holding 
civilization.  On  the  basis  of  Christlike  character,  alone,  can  there  be  good 
will  among  men  that  will  make  a true  democracy  possible ; on  that  basis  alone, 
can  there  be  that  mutual  sympathy  among  nations  and  races  whereby  peace 
on  earth  may  become  a reality.  The  building  of  this  character  is  the  greatest 
contribution  that  the  Church  can  make  to  China  and  to  the  world.  We 
earnestly  hope  that  in  all  regulations  put  forth  by  the  government,  there 
may  be  no  limitations  placed  upon  the  full  development  and  use  of  these 
essential  elements  of  culture. 

Minimum  Requirements 

We  again  state  our  willingness  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  govern- 
ment so  long  as  religious  liberty  is  recognized.  Therefore,  we  recommend 
as  the  minimum  of  religious  work  offered  in  schools  of  middle  school  or 
college  grade,  justifying  Mission  support: 

1.  Elective  courses  in  religious  education  shall  be  offered. 

2.  Voluntary  attendance  at  religious  services  shall  be  permitted. 

The  School  Staff 

The  efficiency  of  our  schools  in  producing  character  is  determined  by 
the  degree  in  which  character  is  possessed  by  the  staff  of  the  school.  In 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


49 


making  up  and  recruiting  a school  staff,  the  responsible  authorities  of  the 
school  should  select  from  candidates  of  adequate  scholastic  attainments  those 
whose  lives  and  characters  give  the  best  evidence  of  being  able  to  inspire 
and  aid  students  to  the  attainment  of  Christlike  life. 

Government  Registration 

We  are  in  favor  of  registration  of  our  schools  with  the  government,  as 
soon  as  it  can  be  accomplished  without  seriously  compromising  their  Chris- 
tian character. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  regulations  concerning  registration  of  Chris- 
tian schools  in  various  provinces  and  lesser  districts  under  Nationalist 
control  vary  greatly,  we  recommend  that  our  institutions  delay  registration 
with  the  government  until  the  government  has  become  more  stable  and 
"uniform  in  its  requirements.  This  recommendation  is  made  only  in  view 
of  the  circumstances  immediately  confronting  us. 

Advice  to  Missionaries 

T It  is  our  clear  conviction  that  the  right  of  the  individual  conscience 
to  determine  personal  action  on  debatable  issues  should  be  carefully 
respected.  We  also  recognize  the  moral  obligation  carefully  to  consider  the 
ethical  consequences  of  an  act  under  varying  circumstances,  whether  those 
consequences  concern  international  relationships,  the  fundamental  welfare 
of  those  whom  we  have  come  to  serve,  or  that  of  our  fellow  missionaries. 
The  decision  having  been  made,  it  becomes  us  to  manifest  in  Christian  love 
our  commendation  of  those  who,  having  been  guided  by  the  same  principles, 
have  arrived  at  different  conclusions  as  to  their  personal  duty,  and  who  are 
ready  to  make  great  sacrifices  in  accordance  with  their  decision. 

2.  It  is  our  judgment  that  as  many  as  possibly  can,  should  remain  in  or 
near  China,  and,  by  relating  themselves  to  other  work  or  to  study,  with  the 
Board’s  or  Society’s  support,  be  ready  for  possible  early  return. 

3.  That  those  who  feel,  from  circumstances  of  their  own  determination, 
under  the  conviction  that  they  should  return  to  America,  either  temporarily 
or  permanently,  ought  to  be  permitted  to  do  so  with  our  full  approval,  and 
the  approval  of  the  regularly  constituted  authorities. 

4.  With  regard  to  the  time  and  conditions  of  return  to  our  stations  or 
elsewhere  in  China,  we  are  convinced  that  the  following  principles  should 
obtain : 

(a)  We  should  await  such  a change  in  conditions  as  shall  make  practi- 
cally inoperative  the  factors  which  determined  our  withdrawal  in 
the  first  instance. 

(b)  "We  should  expect  much  progress  in  self-dependence  and  self-deter- 
mination, due  to  readjustments  and  constructive  experimentation 
on  the  part  of  those  Chinese  co-laborers  who  have  been  compelled 
by  circumstances  to  take  over  our  work.  When  we  return,  there 
should  be  such  adjustments  in  appointments  and  such  sympathetic 
approach,  as  carefully  to  conserve  every  gain  in  Chinese  leadership 
brought  about  by  the  stimulus  of  these  emergent  conditions. 

In  view  of  the  present  developments  of  the  Church  in  China  and  of 
Chinese  consciousness  as  regards  the  return  of  missionaries  to  their  fields 
of  labor,  we  rejoice  that  in  the  establishment  of  our  Church  in  China,  in 
which  we  have  membership,  full  provision  is  made  in  our  normal  procedure 
for  the  expression  of  the  desires  of  the  Chinese. 


Exhihit  G 

INTERVIEW  WITH  MR.  STERLING  FESSENDEN,  CHAIRMAN  MUNICI- 
PAL COUNCIL,  SHANGHAI 

(All  will  recognize  the  significance  of  a statement  from  a man  in  Mr. 
Fessenden’s  position.  By  agreement,  stenographic  notes  were  made  of  the 
interview,  but  it  has  been  impossible  for  Mr.  Fessenden  to  read  these  notes.) 


50 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


“The  reason  why  the  British  defense  force  is  in  Shanghai  is  not  due  en- 
tirely to  Shanghai  itself  or  to  the  great  financial  interests  which  the  British 
have  here,  but  because  the  British  Government  is  convinced  that  Soviet  Rus- 
sia, acting  through  the  illiterate  classes  of  China,  is  trying  to  strike  a ter- 
rible blow  at  Great  Britain.  Silas  Strawn  placed  the  illiteracy  of  China  at 
ninety-seven  per  cent.  Russia  realizes  that  if  she  can  drive  the  British  out  of 
China  by  agitation,  it  would  be  a terrible  loss  of  prestige  for  all  white  races 
in  Asia  and  a terrific  reaction  would  come  in  India.  Shanghai  is  the  key- 
stone position.  The  nationalist  leaders  made  a desperate  attempt  to  take 
Shanghai  and  are  now  bitter  against  the  foreigners.  For  the  mere  protec- 
tion of  Shanghai,  the  British  Government  would  not  send  troops. 

“All  classes  of  Chinese  were  determined  to  down  Shanghai.  In  1925,  I 
sent  a request  to  fifty  managers  of  the  leading  commercial  houses  to  tell  them 
what  we  were  facing.  After  the  shooting  on  May  30,  1925,  came  a tremendous 
internal  upheaval,  with  a strike  of  the  water  and  light  employees.  We  sur- 
vived that.  The  southern  army  got  here  in  March,  1927.  There  were  two 
Chinese  armies  fighting  on  the  borders  of  the  city,  both  of  them  hostile  and 
anti-foreign,  incited  by  the  radical  element. 

“I  called  together  the  consular  representatives  of  America,  Great  Britain, 
Japan,  France,  and  Italy.  If  it  had  not  been  for  British  troops  at  that  time, 
Shanghai  would  have  gone  down  in  a welter  of  blood.  On  March  21  there 
were  1,500  marines  in  the  harbor.  With  the  aid  of  wire  barricades,  we  de- 
termined to  hold  the  city.  The  British  troops  were  quartered  inside  the  city. 

“The  only  way  to  defend  Shanghai  was  to  make  the  military  line  outside 
the  city  itself.  I arranged  with  the  British  that,  on  my  call,  they  would  man 
that  boundary.  The  British  troops  manned  the  barricades.  The  American 
marines  would  not  take  their  places  because  of  orders  from  Washington: 
‘We  will  not  permit  the  armed  forces  of  the  United  States  to  oppose  any 
regular  troops  of  China,  whether  southern  or  northern.’  If  worst  came  to 
worst,  American  troops  could  be  used  to  protect  American  lives.” 

“There  were  10,000  British  troops,  2,000  volunteers,  2,500  police,  1,500 
American  marines,  together  with  Dutch,  Spanish,  and  French  marines.  Even 
then  we  had  to  abandon  one  salient.  North  and  south  were  fighting,  two 
great  armies.  The  moderate  wing  and  the  radical  wing  of  the  nationalists 
outside  were  determined  to  get  to  Shanghai,  and  inside  was  a great  mob  of 
workmen,  laborers,  and  civilians  sympathetic  with  the  southern  army.  At 
that  time  there  were,  at  least,  30,000  foreign  troops,  but  they  were  holding 
the  line  against  a great  horde  from  two  armies  with  a great  mob  of  radical 
civilians.  If  the  line  had  broken,  there  would  have  been  terrible  loss  of 
foreign  life.” 

Mr.  Fessenden  spoke  frequently  of  the  “legitimate  aspirations  of  China.” 
“The  trouble,”  he  continued,  “is  the  appalling  ignorance  of  China.  Ideas 
have  been  put  into  their  minds  by  the  Russians.  There  is  a latent  hatred  of 
the  foreigner,  which  in  normal  times  is  suppressed.  When  unusual  conditions 
arise,  that  is  unleashed.  That  is  the  appalling  danger.” 

When  asked  if  that  hatred  was  found  among  the  educated  Chinese  and 
business  men,  Mr.  Fessenden  replied,  “No,  not  at  all.  But  that  class  which  is 
the  largest  element  in  China  has  been  played  upon  and  aroused.  These  mobs 
are  like  wild  beasts,  foaming  at  the  mouth.  They  are  just  as  bad  to  their 
own  people.” 

Continuing,  he  said,  “We  are  all  sympathetic,  in  principle,  with  the 
Chinese  idea  that  under  extraterritoriality  China  is  not  on  a plane  of  equality 
with  the  other  nations  of  the  world.  We  can  sympathize  to  a certain  extent 
with  their  desire  to  put  China  on  a plane  of  equality.  But  what  we  resist 
is  their  method.  They  want  to  accomplish  by  force  overnight  what  would 
really  take  China  years  to  accomplish.  All  this  propaganda  about  China 
having  no  say  in  governing  Shanghai  is  a misrepresentation.  In  the  first 
place,  the  only  reason  that  foreigners  were  given  extraterritoriality  is 
because  the  Chinese  have  no  conception  of  law  and  justice  as  we  understand 
it.  They  are  back  in  the  prehistoric  days.  All  that  the  Chinese  have  got 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


SI 


to-day  in  the  way  of  education,  hospitals  and  sanitation  has  come  from  the 
foreigner  and  through  their  contact  with  the  foreigner.  The  Chinese  villages 
have  not  changed  in  5,000  years.  With  the  advent  of  the  missionary  and  the 
business  man  these  schools  and  institutions  were  established.  Chinese  stu- 
dents in  America  are  made  a fuss  over.  Even  with  Western  education  they 
are  not  received  on  a basis  of  eauality.  They  want  to  do  by  sudden  change 
what  ought  to  be  done  by  evolution.  Here  is  .a  city  which  has  brought  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  employment,  and  which  has  given  safety  to  many.  They 
would  kick  us  all  out  to-morrow  if  they  could.  Three  members  of  the 
Shanghai  municipal  council  (out  of  fifteen)  could  now  be  Chinese,  but  the 
Chinese  want  a majority. 

“This  city  represents  an  enormous  investment.  It  has  a bonded  indebted- 
ness of  thirty  million  dollars  gold.  We  welcome  Chinese  representation  on 
the  Council,  but  they  must  accept  our  proposition.  America  only  has  two 
representatives,  Japan  has  two.  All  we  want  is  reasonable  security.  There 
is  no  one  Chinese  city  in  the  whole  country  that  is  decently  administered. 
The  Chinese  official  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  looks  upon  a government 
position  as  a thing  from  which  he  can  acquire  a private  fortune,  not  only 
for  himself  but  for  all  his  relatives  and  friends.  If  the  Chinese  could  admin- 
ister Shanghai  or  China,  extraterritoriality  would  pass.  Japan  had  extrater- 
ritoriality until  1895,  and  then  it  was  no  longer  needed.” 

As  to  the  way  out  of  the  present  situation  and  whether  there  is  a chance 
for  the  moderate  wing  to  win  out,  Mr.  Fessenden  stated  that  he  once  thought 
so.  “Now,”  he  continued,  “tfiey  are  so  torn  up  internally,  among  themselves, 
that  I cannot  be  sure  but  that  the  whole  nationalist  movement  will  fail  and 
the  northern  group  win  out  as  far  south  as  Shanghai.  Within  the  next  two 
or  three  weeks  (stated  in  early  May,  1927)  the  northern  troops  will  be  back 
again. 


Exhibit  H. 

PROPHETS  AND  THE  PURPOSE  OF  GOD 

(Address  by  Dr.  Henry  T.  Hodgkin,  in  Martyrs’  Memorial  Hall, 
Shanghai,  May  4,  1927.) 

The  prophet  is  one  who  builds  upon  ultimate  principles.  He  speaks  not 
because  any  organization  has  told  him  to  do  so,  but  because  he  cannot  keep 
silent.  His  authority  is  not  that  of  the  great  men  of  the  past,  but  that  of  an 
inward  voice,  which  he  knows  is  the  voice  of  God.  He  is  both  an  interpreter 
and  a maker  of  history.  He  aims  to  change  the  whole  current  and  trend  of 
men’s  lives.  His  supreme  end  is  to  create  a supreme  organism  animated  by 
one  spirit,  the  spirit  of  God  himself. 

It  is  men  and  women  of  this  type  that  China  needs  far  more  than  she 
needs  statesmen  and  politicians.  What  good  can  the  leaders  in  political  life 
do  unless  there  are  stirrings  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  out  of  a prophetic 
message  from  the  living  God? 

If  China  needs  prophets,  what  about  ourselves?  Six  points  in  regard 
to  the  prophet  and  the  purpose  of  God: 

1.  The  prophet  is  one  who  is  convinced  that  there  is  a divine  purpose 
in  human  history.  Sometimes  the  Church  has  not  seen  truly  enough  where 
God  works.  Because  some  of  the  results  of  modern  science  have  the  ap- 
pearance of  coming  into  conflict  with  some  religious  convictions,  the  Church 
has  not  clearly  enough  recognized  the  large  elements  of  divine  working  in 
this  great  movement  of  science  which  is  seeking  to  understand  this  creation. 
If  we  believe  that  Jesus  Christ  is  the  truth,  we  must  believe  that  the  passion 
for  the  truth  is  a divine  gift  to  the  world.  The  prophet  is  one  who,  seeing 


52 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


the  divine  purpose,  is  thereby  lifted  above  minor  things,  above  the  intrigues 
and  jealousies  of  the  world  round  about  him.  He  lives  in  the  sphere  in 
which  God  works,  and  therefore  has  a message  for  the  world. 

2.  The  prophet  is  one  who  sees  his  own  nation  in  its  relatio’n  to  the 
purpose  of  God.  To  interpret  China’s  place  in  the  world  truly,  we  must 
see  it  in  relation  to  the  purpose  of  God.  The  prophet  is  the  true  friend  of 
his  nation.  He  is  not  one  who  says,  “My  country  right  or  wrong.”  The 
nation  has  a place  in  God’s  purpose  if  it  fulfills  God’s  will,  if  it  is  honest 
in  its  public  life,  if  it  will  put  aside  mobocracy  and  deceit. 

3.  The  prophet  sees  that  all  nations  are  included  in  the  purpose  of  God. 
Some  of  the  finest  fruits  or  flowers  in  the  prophetic  treatment  are  in  Isaiah 
19,  when  the  prophet  breaks  forth  on  the  universal  note. 

4.  The  prophet  sees  that  the  fulfillment  of  God’s  purpose  involves  suffer- 
ing. This  conception  came  to  the  great  prophets  through  their  own  ex- 
periences and  the  experiences  of  the  nations  to  which  they  belonged.  It 
came  to  Jeremiah  through  long  suffering  and  almost  death.  Isaiah  53  is  a 
picture  of  suffering  raised  to  its  highest  point.  God’s  purpose  was  to  come 
to  mankind  through  vicarious  suffering,  and  it  required  the  death  of  Jesus 
Christ  to  make  it  live  for  the  world. 

5.  The  prophet  is  one  who  sees  that  God’s  purpose  must  prevail.  He 
does  not  base  his  hope  of  the  future  upon  endless  calculation  of  possibilities. 
He  has  a certainty  that  does  not  fall  down  in  the  face  of  disappointment. 
His  faith  does  not  fail  even  though  the  immediate  present  may  seem  dark. 
Was  not  that  spirit  most  of  all  exemplified  wfien  through  the  Garden  of 
Gethsemane  and  the  Cross  itself  there  stepped  the  Redeemer  of  Mankind, 
who  saw  the  glory  that  was  to  be  revealed? 

6.  The  prophet  sees  himself  as  having  a part  in  working  out  the  purpose 
of  God.  He  has  found  that  he  has  a relation  to  God,  and  it  humbles  him. 
Still  through  that  moment  of  humility  there  is  born  the  conviction  which 
nothing  can  shake  that  he  has  a particular  place  of  his  own  which  it  is  up 
to  him  to  fulfill  in  God’s  universe.  It  means  that  he  is  prepared  to  nerve 
himself  for  every  effort  to  stand  when  every  friend  forsakes  him,  prepared 
to  meet  all  the  shafts  which  may  be  hurled  at  him,  prepared  to  meet  the 
shock  when  hopes  fall,  prepared  to  make  his  prayer  life  strong  and  active 
because  God  has  put  his  huger  upon  him.  With  great  humility,  but  with 
great  courage  and  faith,  he  moves  forward  to  obey.  Paul:  “Therefore,  King 
Agrippa,  I was  not  disobedient  to  the  heavenly  vision.” 

What  about  it  when  we  think  of  our  own  particular  problem  in  China 
today? 

Isaiah  49:  The  picture  of  a prophet’s  experience.  He  is  one  who  feels 
that  God  has  chosen  him.  “I  have  labored  in  vain  and  have  spent  my 
strength  in  naught  but  that  ....  surely  my  judgment  is  of  the  Lord, 

I am  recompensed  of  my  God.”  The  divine  answer:  “1  will  also  give  thee  as 
a light  to  the  Gentiles  that  thou  mayest  be  my  salvation  unto  the  ends  of 
the  earth.”  He  finds  that  God  trusts  him  and  calls  him  to  a larger  work 
than  he  ever  dreamed  of,  to  a task  larger  than  he  had  ever  dreamed  of,  at 
the  very  moment  when  he  was  on  the  point  of  lying  down.  There  comes  to 
him  the  challenge  to  rise  and  do  something  greater. 

We  are  being  summoned  through  this  hour  of  difficulty  to  be  men  and 
women  whom  God  can  use  for  his  larger  service.  In  the  light  of  this  fact, 
iet  us  turn  back  to  see  the  six  points  as  they  concern  ourselves. 

1.  There  is  a purpose  of  God  in  human  history  for  our  Chinese  prophets 
as  well  as  for  ourselves.  Let  us  get  a new  conviction  of  God  as  moving  in 
the  midst  of  his  church,  and  transmit  that  conviction  to  those  who  are  feel- 
ing the  terrible  stress  and  the  temptation  which  comes  to  let  down.  Let  us 
get  a new  hold  today  on  a sense  of  God’s  purpose,  and  if  our  lives  shall 
radiate  that  sense  there  is  not  anything  we  may  not  be  able  to  do. 

2.  There  is  a special  place  for  China  among  the  nations.  Many  are  not 
looking  wistfully  back  into  the  past,  but  they  are  looking  forward  with  hope. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


53 


some  at  least  with  idealism  which  is  pure  and  sincere  and  splendid,  some 
with  a power  of  endurance  and  hope  that  means  something  for  the  future. 
Is  it  not  for  us  to  believe  in  the  China  that  is  to  be!  If  there  are  darker 
days  to  come,  fresh  disillusionments,  still  we  shall  be  there  believing  that 
the  best  is  truest. 

3.  Let  us  remember  that  all  nations  are  included  in  God’s  purpose. 
Over  against  hatred,  let  us  lift  up  the  universal  love  of  God.  Can  we  each  of 
us  in  ourselves  be  the  meeting  point  of  at  least  two  nations?  Can  we  remind 
ourselves  of  the  phrase  in  Ephesians:  “He  is  the  Christ  of  Peace  who  has 
broken  down  the  middle  wall  of  partition”? 

4.  The  purpose  must  be  reached  through  suffering.  Is  there  danger  that 
we  think  sometimes  just  a little  too  much  of  our  own  suffering  and  what 
we  have  lost?  What  have  we  bought  with  the  cost?  Let  us  hope  we  have 
not  bought  disillusionment,  resentment,  or  despair.  Let  us  hope  we  bought 
in  the  hour  of  suffering  what  the  prophets  bought  while  they  were  exiles  in 
a foreign  land.  Let  us  get  something  that  will  give  us  fresh  power  to  enter 
into  the  love  of  our  Lord. 

5.  What  are  the  prevailing  forces  in  China  today?  Are  they  the  forces 
of  violence  and  ill  will?  Are  they  the  forces  which  seem  almost  irresponsible 
as  they  sweep  into  the  life  of  the  nation?  Are  they  only  to  be  met  by  similar 
forces?  It  may  be,  for  some  of  us  at  any  rate,  to  show  in  our  own  personalities 
something  of  that  kind  of  life  which  God  expects  of  us.  Perhaps  it  is  a 
bigger  thing  than  we  ever  thought  of  when  God  called  us  first  to  come  to 
China.  Perhaps  there  is  something  deeper  than  we  thought  we  should  ever 
have  to  pay. 

6.  I suppose  every  one  of  us  can  get  back  to  some  period  in  his  life  when 
he  was  so  conscious  of  God’s  call  to  come  out  to  China  that  he  was  conscious 
of  a power  lifting  him  up.  Perhaps  today  the  same  great  guide  of  our  life 
is  calling  us  to  some  great  place  in  his  purpose.  Perhaps  we  are  called  not 
so  much  to  administer  and  to  lead,  but  to  listen  with  the  deeper  understand- 
ing, quietly,  patiently,  to  serve,  to  enter  into  the  bitterness  of  other  people’s 
experiences,  to  take  the  lessons  which  come  to  us  in  such  a spirit  that  the 
spirit  of  the  Lord  Christ  is  illuminated  in  us,  to  keep  our  faith  bright  through 
the  darkest  hours.  Are  these  some  of  the  calls  which  come  to  us?  Is  it 
perhaps  now  that  in  the  time  of  enforced  absence  from  loved  work  and 
workers  we  are  being  summoned  by  a fresh  call?  Let  us  use  this  time 
in  quiet,  humble  thought.  Let  God’s  purpose  be  felt  in  every  fiber  of  our 
being  as  we  have  never  felt  it.  We  are  not  blind  to  the  facts— a thousand 
facts  that  would  disappoint  us  and  crush  us— but  the  supreme  fact  is  God. 
If  we  are^  so  conscious  of  God  that  we  have  something  of  the  prophetic  fire 
burning  in  us,  we  will  not  run  away  from  the  facts.  Look  beyond  the 
present,  dream  dreams.  That  is  what  it  means  to  be  a missionary  these  days. 

Isaiah  60:  Arise  and  shine,  for  thy  light  has  come. 


Exhibit  I 

SOME  PROBLEMS  CONFRONTING  THE  CHRISTIAN  MOVEMENT  IN 
CHINA  AS  SEEN  BY  A CHINESE  CHRISTIAN 

(An  address  delivered  to  a group  of  missionaries  in  Martyrs’  Memorial  Hall 
by  C.  Y.  Cheng,  D.D.,  Secretary  National  Christian  Council,  Shanghai.) 


Preliminary  Considerations 

I feel  highly  honored  by  being  asked  to  address  this  important  audience 
on  the  subject  of  ‘Some  Problems  Confronting  the  Christian  Movement  in 
China  as  Seen  by  a Chinese  Christian.”  I propose  to  give  a Chinese  view  of 
each  of  the  following  questions:  Have  the  Chinese  people  pinned  too  much 
faith  on  the  pationalist  movement?  Has  the  anti-Christian  movement  been 


54 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


too  favorably  considered  by  Chinese  Christians?  Is  religious  liberty  being 
violated?  Is  the  registration  of  Christian  schools  right  and  beneficial?  Is 
the  enforcement  of  party  education  in  schools  acceptable?  How  do  Chinese 
Christians  interpret  the  recent  evacuation  of  missionaries  from  their  posts? 
How  is  the  Nanking  incident  regarded  by  Chinese  Christians?  Has  the  mis- 
sionary enterprise  succeeded  or  is  it  likely  to  succeed?  What  change,  if  any, 
is  necessary  in  the  work  of  Missions  in  China?  Should  Christianity  speak  on 
political  matters?  Has  organized  Christianity  been  unduly  criticized  by 
Chinese  Christians?  Is  religious  controversy  unprofitable  and  harmful?  Who 
are  our  worst  enemies?  Is  there  sufficient  indication  of  a bright  future  for 
the  Christian  movement  in  China? 

You  will  notice  that  these  are  all  large  questions,  an  adequate  dealing  of 
which  requires  separate  treatment.  I have,  however,  put  them  together  in 
order  that  we  may  get  a bird’s-eye  view  of  the  situation  as  a whole.  Under 
the  limited  time  at  our  disposal,  it  is  necessary  to  give  in  a very  brief  way 
an  interpretation  of  these  problems  from  a Chinese  point  of  view.  Further,  I 
think  we  are  still  too  close  to  these  events  that  have  been  and  are  taking 
place  to  be  able  to  see  them  in  their  true  perspective.  I have  come  with  an 
open  mind,  willing  to  be  convinced  of  a different  interpretation  and  to  seek 
for  further  truth.  I shall  be  more  than  happy,  if  you  will  kindly  allow  me 
to  benefit  by  your  wisdom  and  experience  in  these  matters. 

One  other  word  I wish  to  say  before  I start,  namely.  I am  here  represent- 
ing no  organization  of  any  kind  nor  do  I claim  to  speak  for  the  entire  Chinese 
Church.  I am  here  only  as  a Chinese  Christian,  comparing  notes  with  his 
fellow  Christians  of  the  West.  I heartily  invite  your  frank  and  candid 
criticism  of  my  views  regarding  these  matters,  if  such  criticism  is  given  in 
the  spirit  of  Christian  love.  With  your  permission  I now  proceed  to  consider 
with  you  the  questions  proposed. 

Have  the  Chinese  People  Pinni:d  Too  Much  Faith  on  the  Nationalist 

Moi'ement? 

At  least  two  kinds  of  views  are  being  held  by  people  in  regard  to  this 
movement,  namely,  the  extreme  and  the  moderate.  There  are  those  who  put 
all  their  faith  in  the  movement  and  those  who  do  not  believe  in  it  at  all. 
Upon  such  extreme  views  we  need  make  no  comment  just  now.  There  are, 
however,  many  who  see  both  the  good  and  the  bad  in  the  movement,  recog- 
nizing its  possibilities  as  well  as  its  dangers.  Now  the  question  is,  which  side 
weighs  more  heavily  in  our  valuation  of  the  movement,  the  brighter  or  the 
darker,  since  both  are  present?  It  is  quite  certain  that  most  of  the  more 
thoughtful  and  intelligent  people  in  China  are  watching  this  movement  with 
the  greatest  interest,  sympathy,  expectation  and  hopefulness.  China  has 
suffered  so  much  in  these  years,  the  heart  of  the  people  is  reaching  its  break- 
ing point  in  longing  for  a modern  Moses  to  deliver  the  nation  out  of  the 
oppression  of  Egypt  to  the  land  of  promise.  With  the  coming  of  the  national- 
ist movement,  people  are  watching  it  with  all  eagerness  and  enthusiasm, 
believing  that  through  it,  the  salvation  of  the  nation  is  to  be  realized.  For 
this  movement  is  not  a mere  political  one — it  touches  upon  the  entire  life  of 
the  nation,  political,  economic,  social,  moral,  and  religious.  It  is  not  only 
arousing  the  consciousness  of  the  few  in  high  places,  but  it  is  penetrating  to 
people  in  all  walks  of  life;  even  the  less  educated  masses  have  felt  the  thrill 
of  this  great  movement.  We  believe  such  aspirations  are  legitimate  and  neces- 
sary if  China  is  to  advance  and  grow  at  all. 

But  at  the  same  time  we  cannot  minimize,  much  less  ignore,  the  ghastly 
side  of  the  destructive  and  dangerous  element  in  this  otherwise  wholesome 
and  promising  movement  of  the  Chinese  people.  Bolshevik  influence  has 
already  done  a great  deal  of  harm  to  China;  it  will  do  even  greater  harm  if 
unchecked.  The  Chinese  people  are  more  than  glad  to  find  that  both  the 
Southern  and  Northern  governments  are  taking  definite  measures  against  this 
sinister  monster  that  seeks  to  pull  down  and  to  destroy.  The  innocent  people 
who  are  in  its  iron  grip  in  Central  China  are  longing  and  praying  for  deliver- 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


55 


ance  from  their  agonizing  suffering.  The  whole  thing  is  contrary  to  the  tradi- 
tions and  temperament  of  the  Chinese  people.  While  all  this  is  true,  the 
whole  movement  should  not  he  condemned  because  of  its  undesirable  elements. 
That  would  be  suicidal. 

The  situation  is  capable  of  being  interpreted  and  viewed  from  the  more 
gloomy  side,  for  even  the  less  radical  part  of  the  movement  is  far  from  per- 
fection. Defects  and  shortcomings  are  traceable  in  more  places  than  one. 
But  we  maintain  that  with  all  its  imperfections,  it  has  furnished  us  sufficient 
inspiration  and  incentive  to  justify  our  high  hopes  that  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  the  People’s  Movement  the  future  development  of  the  Chinese 
nation  will  be  furthered. 

Has  the  Anti-Cheistiaiv  Movi';ment  Been  Too  Favorably  Considered  by 

Chinese  Christians? 

As  we  all  know,  anti-Christian  propaganda  is  not  an  organization  but  a 
movement.  Because  of  this  fact  it  is  spreading  very  widely  in  the  country 
and  is  very  difficult  to  get  hold  of.  Every  one  is  at  liberty  to  express  his 
opinion  and  offer  his  criticism  in  whatever  way  he  pleases.  This  makes  it 
hard  to  secure  a definite  and  clear  view  of  the  platform  upon  which  they 
stand.  All  sorts  of  criticisms,  attacks,  charges,  accusations,  have  been  made 
against  the  Christian  religion.  Some  are  the  result  of  prejudice,  some  of  mis- 
understanding; some  are  worth  careful  consideration,  while  others  are  of  no 
value  at  all. 

Besides  those  accusations  that  can  be  nailed  as  the  result  of  prejudice  and 
misunderstanding,  however,  there  is  much  in  what  these  people  say  that  is 
true.  Since  we  believe  in  truth  we  cannot  and  must  not  ignore,  at  least,  this 
part  of  the  contribution  of  the  anti-Christian  movement.  It  must  not  be 
regarded  as  a sign  of  disloyalty  to  the  Christian  faith  when  we  are  ready  to 
listen  and  accept  this  part  of  the  criticism  of  the  opposing  forces. 

We  further  believe  that  there  are  not  a few  who  criticize  the  Christian 
religion  who  are  in  real  earnest  in  seeking  after  truth  and  light,  and  to  such 
we  are  ready  to  extend  the  right  hand  of  fellowship,  for  we  too  are  seeking 
further  light  and  truth  which  we  believe  are  best  revealed  in  the  person  of 
Jesus  Christ. 

However,  we  are  not  ready  to  regard  this  movement  as  a friend  of  the 
Christian  religion  in  a sweeping  way.  Toward  those  who  have  for  their 
purpose  the  destruction  of  Christianity  and  the  nullification  of  its  work  we 
shall  forever  stand  in  direct  and  uncompromising  opposition.  To  meet 
prejudice  with  patience  and  forbearance?  Yes.  To  meet  misunderstanding 
with  explanation  and  correction?  Yes.  To  meet  truth  with  ready  sympathy 
and  acceptance?  Yes.  But  to  identify  the  Christian  movement  with  men 
who  are  unsympathetic  and  hostile  to  it?  Never! 

Is  Religious  Liberty  Being  Violated? 

Since  the  agreements  reached  between  the  Chinese  government  and  West- 
ern nations,  by  which  the  former  should  protect  those  who  propagate  or 
follow  the  Christian  religion  in  China,  Chinese  Christians  have  enjoyed  reli- 
gious toleration  by  virtue  of  such  treaties.  Not  until  the  formation  of  the 
new  republic,  in  1911,  was  religious  freedom  granted  in  both  the  national 
and  provincial  constitutions.  Technically  speaking,  Chinese  Christians  are 
now  doubly  protected  by  both  Chinese  constitutions  and  foreign  treaties.  In 
the  national  and  provincial  constitutions  and  those  of  the  Kuomintang  Party, 
religious  liberty  is  clearly  stated  and  recognized. 

We  think  the  granting  of  such  religious  freedom  in  the  constitution  is 
needed  anjl  important,  not  only  because  Christian  people  require  such  pro- 
tection, but  also  because  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  look  after  the 
rights  of  the  people  and  safeguard  their  interests.  This  is  specially  needed, 
because  there  is  a growing  feeling  among  Chinese  Christians  that  they  should 
not  be  protected  by  the  Toleration  Clauses  in  the  so-called  “Unequal  Treaties,” 
as  these  treaties  were  made  under  unhappy  circumstances. 


56 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


At  present,  Christianity  is  meeting  with  a great  deal  of  opposition  by 
the  various  forces  that  have  no  use  for  religion  in  general,  or  Christianity 
in  particular.  Much  of  this  criticism  and  argument,  these  charges  and  accusa- 
tions, can  hardly  be  regarded  as  a violation  of  religious  liberty.  If  Chris- 
tians have  the  freedom  to  believe,  others  have  also  the  freedom  to  disbelieve; 
if  we  are  at  liberty  to  embrace  Christianity,  others  also  are  at  liberty  to 
adopt  other  religious  faiths.  But  religious  toleration  is  in  danger  of  being 
violated  when  one  religion  is  more  favorably  placed  than  other  religions,  as 
in  the  attempt  made  some  years  ago  to  establish  Confucianism  as  the  State 
Religion,  or  when  specific  religious  practices  and  exercises  are  interfered 
with  or  forbidden,  as  is  happening  in  many  cases  at  the  present  time  in 
provinces  south  of  the  Yangtze  River.  For  religious  liberty  means  at  least 
two  things — freedom  and  equality — freedom  for  people  to  adopt  or  propagate 
their  own  religion,  so  long  as  there  is  nothing  in  it  contrary  to  the  interests 
of  the  community,  and  equal  treatment  of  all  religious  bodies  by  the  govern- 
ment. If,  as  we  Chinese  Christians  hope  and  believe,  the  true  principles  of 
the  Republic  prevail,  we  do  not  question  the  ultimate  establishment  of  these 
rights.  Nevertheless,  we  realize  that  the  power  of  the  authorities  to  carry 
out  this  provision  is  not  now  sufficient  and,  in  the  meantime,  there  is  perse- 
cution and  danger  to  the  Christian  Church. 

As  the  country  is  still  in  the  midst  of  a severe  political  struggle  and  mili- 
tary conflict,  and  as  religious  liberty  is  fully  recognized  in  the  constitutions 
of  the  national  and  provincial  governments,  we  may  reasonably  expect  that 
in  a more  settled  condition  this  matter  will  be  adequately  dealt  with  and  fully 
enforced.  For  the  time  being  we  have  to  suffer  some  inconveniences  and  dis- 
comforts which  are  by  no  means  confined  to  Christian  people.  But  we  believe 
it  is  the  duty  of  the  Christian  Church  to  make  a study  of  the  situation  in  this 
connection  and  to  make  an  effort  to  see  that  this  rightful  liberty  is  safe- 
guarded, not  for  themselves  alone  but  in  relation  to  all  religions. 

With  regard  to  the  freedom  of  missionaries  in  China  to  propagate  the 
Christian  faith  in  the  future,  we  hope  they  will  seek  to  dissociate  themselves 
from  the  worn  out  treaties,  and  to  support  the  making  of  new  ones  based  on 
the  principles  of  reciprocity,  equality,  and  good  will  to  the  satisfaction  and 
benefit  of  both  parties.  In  truth,  there  is  little  in  the  so-called  Toleration 
Clauses  that  can  be  regarded  as  objectionable:  what  makes  them  the  target 
of  criticism  is  their  association  with  out-of-date  treaties.  They  are  a good 
thing  in  a bad  place. 

Is  THE  Registration  of  Christian  Schools  Right  and  Beneficial? 

As  citizens  of  China  we  think  we  should  comply  with  the  requirement 
of  the  government  with  regard  to  the  registration  of  our  schools.  We  would 
even  go  further  and  say  that  not  only  our  schools  should  be  registered  in  the 
government  but  also  our  churches  and  other  Christian  institutions  as  well. 
And  this  for  two  reasons:  first,  Chinese  Christians  must  be  loyal  to  their  gov- 
ernment and  submit  to  its  ruling;  secondly,  the  Christian  movement  must 
be  recognized  by  the  government  as  a lawful  and  legitimate  organization 
and  entitled  to  its  protection.  The  Chinese  Christian  Church  of  Peking, 
with  which  your  present  speaker  was  connected,  was  duly  registered  in  the 
Ministry  of  the  Interior  as  far  back  as  1912,  the  second  year  of  the  republic. 
A very  kind  reply  was  received  from  the  ministry  advising  us  “to  follow  the 
footsteps  of  the  first  two  Chinese  Christians,  Tsai  and  Liang  by  name,  bap- 
tized by  Doctor  Morrison  over  a century  ago,  to  lead  the  Chinese  people  to 
come  to  the  Saviour.”  Very  good  advice,  given  by  the  president  of  the  Min- 
istry of  the  Interior! 

However,  our  present  problems  are  more  with  the  restrictions  that  have 
been  attached  to  the  registration  than  with  the  registration  itself.  Both  the 
southern  and  the  northern  governments  have  attached  many  strings  to  the 
registration  of  Christian  schools  and  such  registration  is  required.  With 
most  of  the  restrictions  we  have  little  or  no  quarrel.  In  regard  to  the  matter 
of  religious  instruction  in  our  schools  we  have  not  yet  reached  a general 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


57 


agreement.  Some  feel  that  if  religious  instruction  is  not  permitted  in  our 
schools,  the  real  purpose  of  Christian  education  is  practically  lost;  others  feel, 
however,  that  educational  work  should  be  done  for  the  sake  of  education 
and  not  to  proselytize.  It  is  more  hy  Christian  influence,  they  hold,  than  by 
religious  exercises,  that  students  are  to  be  attracted  to  Christ.  Such  limita- 
tions, therefore,  in  no  serious  way  curtail  the  usefulness  of  the  educational 
work  of  the  Christian  Church.  We  readily  agree  that  both  views  are  well 
taken.  Setting  before  the  students  a Christ-like  life  is,  of  course,  a much 
harder  task  to  perform  than  giving  religious  instruction  and  performing 
religious  exercises. 

In  our  judgment,  if  Christian  schools  are  permitted  to  give  religious 
teaching  freely  and  to  conduct  religious  worship — well  and  good.  Few 
Christian  educators  would  suggest  the  removal  of  them.  But,  since  volun- 
tary religious- teaching  and  worship  alone  are  permitted  by  the  government 
under  whose  direction  our  work  is  to  be  carried  on,  there  are  the  two  courses 
open  to  us — to  close  our  schools  or  to  work  under  this  limitation  and  make 
the  best  of  it.  We  think  the  latter  is  the  wiser  course.  This  will  put  our 
work  to  a more  severe  test,  hut  if  it  come  out  well,  it  will  have  an  even 
greater  and  more  lasting  result.  Under  such  circumstances,  the  securing  of 
a teaching  staff  which  truly  represents  the  spirit  of  Christ  becomes  a great 
and  yet  more  urgent  necessity.  If  such  suggestions  are  acceptable  to  insti- 
tutions under  the  Chinese  Church,  they  can  also  be  applied  in  a general  way 
to  the  schools  of  the  Missions. 

Is  THE  Enforcement  of  Party  Education  in  Christian  Schools  Acceptable? 

The  Kuomintang  is  leaving  no  stone  unturned  in  converting  people  to 
an  allegiance  to  the  “Three  Principles”  stated  by  its  leader.  Doctor  Sun. 
From  the  point  of  view  of  the  nationalists,  we  can  readily  see  the  desirability 
of  spreading  this  message  to  the  whole  nation,  and  the  advantage  for  the 
future  success  of  the  nationalist  movement  in  enforcing  in  all  schools  what 
is  termed  party  education.  This  is  particularly  needed  at  the  pTesent 
juncture  when  these  party  ideals  are  not  yet  fully  understood  and  accepted  by 
the  entire  people.  We  must  say  that  the  amount  of  devotion  and  enthusiasm 
shown  by  the  party  command  both  our  admiration  and  sympathy. 

We  are,  however,  less  sure  whether  the  enforcement  of  party  education 
in  all  schools  is  to  remain  as  a permanent  part  of  education.  We  are  not  so 
sure  that  the  field  of  education  should  be  exploited  by  a political  party;  we 
are  not  so  sure  that  school  children  or  young  students  are  fitted  to  play  the 
game  of  party  politics;  we  are  not  so  sure  that  one  political  party  can  perma- 
nently hold  the  entire  field.  We  are  not  so  sure  that  the  teaching  of  these 
principles  in  the  hands  of  non-Christians  may  not  be  made,  in  places,  the 
ground  for  an  attack  upon  the  Church  or  the  occasion  for  inculcating  ideas 
which  are  contrary  to  Christ’s.  Should  any  rivals  enter  the  field,  complica- 
tions in  the  educational  world  will  be  serious  and  difficult  to  solve. 

How  Do  Chinese  Christians  Interpret  the  Recent  Evacuation  of 
Missionaries  From  Their  Posts? 

The  recent  unexpected  evacuation  of  missionaries  from  the  interior  has 
a few  parallel  cases  in  other  countries,  though  the  circumstances  under  which 
the  evacuation  took  place  are  different.  At  times,  evacuation  was  made  un- 
avoidable because  of  severe  religious  persecution;  or  because  of  definite 
orders  from  the  government  under  which  the  missionaries  work.  The  pres- 
ent evacuation  is  made  by  order  of  these  governments,  based  upon  a certain 
interpretation  of  the  situation.  This  assumes  that  conditions  may  arise  to 
justify  such  a course  and  after  the  Nanking  incident  much  weight  is  given 
to  this  view. 

The  evacuation  is  capable  of  different  interpretations  in  the  minds  of 
the  average  Chinese  Christians.  With  their  inadequate  understanding  of  the 
significance  of  the  sudden  turn  of  affairs  and  of  the  necessity  of  this  un- 
expected exodus,  many  are  staggered  and  perplexed  to  know  what  to  think 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


SB 

or  say.  Not  a few  are  influenced,  less  by  this  uniform  evacuation  by  order 
of  government  than  by  stories  of  missionaries  remaining  in  the  work  even 
to  the  point  of  sacrifice.  Moreover,  this  evacuation  of  missionaries  has  re- 
sulted in  Chinese  Christians  at  short  notice  taking  on  much  responsibility, 
in  some  cases,  unfamiliar  responsibilities.  We  shall  hear  later  reports  of 
both  successes  and  failures,  of  encouraging  and  disappointing  results.  Again, 
we  shall  soon  face  the  problem  of  the  return  of  missionaries  to  their  former 
place  of  trust.  It  is  not  too  soon  for  Mission  administrators  and  authorities 
to  begin  to  consider  this  problem. 

We  are  very  sorry  that  our  missionary  friends  have  been  placed  in  such 
a situation;  we  understand  that  many  have  not  accepted  this  sudden  change 
with  any  satisfaction  and,  indeed,  it  has  greatly  disturbed  their  plans  and 
programs.  It  humbles  us  to  think  that  China  is  considered  a land  not  safe 
for  our  foreign  friends  to  live  in,  and  that  prompt  departure  from  the 
country  should  seem  to  be  a necessity. 

Now,  how  are  we  to  interpret  this  spectacle?  Do  we  see  any  purpose  in 
this  turn  of  events?  A lady  missionary  believes  that  there  is  a twofold 
purpose  of  God  in  this  unexpected  change:  first,  to  deliver  the  Chinese  Chris- 
tians from  depending  too  much  upon  the  help  of  their  missionary  friends  and 
to  develop  native  talent  and  initiative;  secondly,  to  save  the  missionary 
worker  from  putting  too  much  trust  in  his  organizing,  administrative  and 
directing  ability  and  to  have  more  confidence  in  his  Chinese  fellow  workers. 
If  recent  events  will  fulfill  this  twofold  purpose,  we  have  ample  reason  to 
give  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  this  great  blessing  in  disguise. 

How  Is  THE  Nanking  Incident  Regarded  by  Chinese  Christians? 

All  right  thinking  Chinese  regret  most  deeply  the  unhappy  affair  which 
happened  in  Nanking  and  nearby  cities,  where  missionaries,  together  with 
some  Chinese  Christians  and  other  foreigners,  were  so  badly  treated  by  the 
revolutionary  troops  and  local  bad  characters.  We  are  ashamed  that  such  a 
thing  has  happened  to  our  missionary  friends  who  were  so  full  of  sympathy 
with  the  aspirations  of  the  Chinese  people.  This  incident  was  a blow  not  only 
to  our  foreign  friends,  but  also  to  the  Chinese  people,  excepting,  of  course, 
those,  probably  from  up  river,  who  staged  this  sinister  movement  largely  for 
political  purposes. 

We  wish  to  express  our  deep  sense  of  admiration  for  the  Christ-like 
spirit  manifested  by  the  friends  of  Nanking.  We  wish  further  to  say  that 
we  are  quite  at  one  with  them  in  making  a truthful  statement  about  what 
they  had  experienced  in  that  dark  day,  even  though  such  statement  might  be 
to  China’s  hurt.  We  say  this  because  it  is  our  conviction  that,  if  China  is  to 
rise  and  advance  at  all,  her  national  aspirations  must  have  truth  as  their 
foundation;  otherwise  no  amount  of  revolution  can  effect  real  transformation. 

We  wish  also  to  be  permitted  to  state  that,  during  the  present  political 
struggle  and  military  operations,  it  is  an  open  secret  that  the  men  who  are 
seeking  to  shape  the  destiny  of  the  nation  have  their  hands  more  than  full 
in  keeping  good  discipline  in  the  fighting  forces;  in  directing  the  activities 
of  the  People’s  Party;  in  adjustments  between  the  old  order  and  the  new; 
above  all,  in  experimenting  and  testing  the  new  government.  These  and 
many  other  things  constitute  a task  by  no  means  easy,  especially  when  the 
opposing  forces  are  still  uncurbed.  This  is  not  to  justify  the  ugly  things  done 
in  Nanking,  not  in  the  least.  It  rather  shows  what  an  extra  amount  of  the 
Christian  virtue  of  patience  is  required  in  considering  the  affairs  of  to-day  if 
we  are  really  interested  in,  and  have  sympathy  with,  the  national  aspirations 
of  the  Chinese  people. 

Has  the  Missionary  Enterprise  Succeeded  or  Is  It  Likely  to  Succeed? 

We  make  no  apology  when  we  say  that  neither  is  organized  Christianity 
perfect  nor  are  all  missionaries  saints.  It  does  not  take  much  trouble  to 
prove  this  to  be  true.  There  is  still  much  in  the  Christian  Church  that  is  un- 
suitable, uncongenial,  unacceptable  and  out-of-date.  There  are  still  many  men 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


59 


and  women  who  do  not  reveal  the  attractiveness  and  beauty  of  Jesus  Christ 
and  who  are  more  a hindrance  than  a help  to  the  Christian  cause.  Indeed 
there  is  much  room  for  improvement  in  both  the  work  and  the  workers. 

But,  at  the  same  time,  we  cannot  be  blind  to  the  manifold  blessings  that 
have  come  to  us  through  the  lives  and  work  of  the  missionaries  in  China.  In 
the  lives  of  not  a few  we  do  see  the  reproduction  of  the  Master.  Many 
Chinese  Christians  will  forever  bless  God  for  the  lives  of  such  missionary 
men  and  women. 

Some  of  the  outstanding  missionary  achievements  are  monumental  wit- 
nesses in  China  which  cannot  possibly  be  gainsaid  or  denied:  the  introduc- 
tion to  the  Chinese  people  of  the  world’s  Saviour  and  Friend;  the  enlighten- 
ment of  the  ignorant;  the  uplift  of  the  oppressed;  the  healing  of  the  sick; 
the  education  pf  the  young;  the  improvement  of  social  conditions;  the  culti- 
vation of  cultural  intercourse;  in  a hundred  and  one  ways  China  has  been 
served  and  helped  by  the  missionary  body  which  is  the  best  friend  of  the 
Chinese  people.  It  is  true  that  the  missionary  has  not  yet  reached  his  ideal, 
for  the  ideal  is  high;  but  the  measure  of  success  attained  is  sufficient  to 
indicate  a future  of  great  usefulness. 

Allow  me  to  go  one  step  further:  the  success  of  the  Christian  religion 
will  be  doubled  or  tripled  when  certain  delects  and  shortcomings  are  re- 
moved. Indeed  there  is  no  reason  to  think  that  the  bottom  of  Christianity 
is  dropping  out  or  that  its  days  in  China  are  numbered.  Let  us  trace  the  rain- 
bow through  the  rain;  let  us  ride  forth  in  faith  till  we  enter  upon  a yet 
greater  day! 

What  Change,  If  Any,  Is  Necessaky  in  the  Work  of  Missions  in  China? 

That  China  needs  Jesus  Christ  and  his  message  of  love  we  are  convinced. 
But  the  presentation  of  that  message  needs  to  be  reconsidered  from  time  to 
time  in  order  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  day.  With  the  very  rapid 
change  of  events  in  China,  it  is  essential  that  such  an  evaluation  should  be 
made.  If  the  Christian  Church  is  to  perform  its  task  with  freedom,  certain 
obstacles  must  be  removed.  These  obstacles  are  blocking  the  way  to  progress. 
There  are  certain  problems  now  engaging  the  attention  of  Christian  leaders, 
both  Chinese  and  missionary,  namely,  such  questions  as  church  independence, 
church  union,  devolution  of  foreign  missions,  developing  the  indigenous 
church,  co-operative  activities,  etc.  Why  independence?  Because  there  is  the 
obstacle  of  dependence.  MTiy  union?  Because  there  is  division.  Why  devo- 
lution? Because  there  is  the  need  for  it.  Why  an  indigenous  church?  Be- 
cause the  church  is  still  a foreign  institution.  When  we  have  solved  these 
problems,  the  Christian  Church  will  have  a better  chance  to  go  forward  and 
accomplish  its  task  of  introducing  men  to  God  and  God  to  men  through 
Jesus  Christ. 

In  order  to  remove  these  obstacles  and  enable  the  Christian  Church  to 
move  more  rapidly  forward  in  performing  its  task,  we  would  venture  to  sug- 
gest that  foreign  missions  should.  In  future,  consider  the  work  more  in 
terms  of  a Christian  fellowship,  sharing  with  the  Chinese  Church  its  suc- 
cesses and  failures,  joys  and  sorrows,  ups  and  downs.  Let  us,  in  this  great 
fellowship,  work  together  for  the  solution  of  these  urgent  and  vital  problems 
that  are  confronting  us,  the  removal  of  the  foreign  stigma  upon  the  religion 
of  Christ;  the  development  of  a Christian  Church  that  is  really  of  the  people, 
for  the  people  and  by  the  people;  the  linking  together  of  the  various  divisions 
in  the  Christian  Church;  the  cultivation  of  the  spiritual  experiences  of  the 
Chinese  Christians;  the  enlargement  of  the  religious  outlook  of  Christian 
people  so  that  it  penetrates  all  departments  of  life,  personal,  social,  national 
and  racial. 

Let  the  relationship  between  Church  and  Mission  never  be  based  on 
dollars  and  cents;  employer  and  employed;  giving  and  receiving.  Let  it  be 
a great  Christian  fellowship,  sharing  each  other’s  experiences,  problems, 
sufferings,  hopes.  We  believe  such  a change  of  attitude  will,  in  some  measure 
at  least,  help  forward  the  progress  of  the  Christian  movement  in  China. 


6o 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


Should  Christlanity  Have  Any  Voice  in  Matters  Political? 

Probably  there  is  general  agreement  among  Christian  people,  that  the 
individual  Christian  cannot  and  should  not  be  indifferent  to  the  political 
development  of  his  country.  As  a citizen  of  a nation,  he  has  a duty  to  per- 
form in  helping  forward  the  work  of  the  nation  and  to  see  that  the  govern- 
ment is  performing  its  task  faithfully  and  honestly.  Such  a duty  is  in  no 
sense  contrary  to  his  being  a follower  of  Jesus  Christ.  But  as  to  the  Chris- 
tian Church,  it  is  undesirable  that  it  should  identify  itself  with  party  politics, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  the  work  of  the  Church  is  for.  everybody  and  must 
not  be  limited  to  any  particular  political  organization  or  party.  History  has 
abundant  proof  that  when  the  Church  allied  itself  with  the  government,  the 
result  was  none  too  happy.  In  fact  a great  deal  of  harm  was  done  to  both 
government  and  Church.  We  believe  there  is  a general  agreement  on  these 
two  points,  namely,  that  individual  Christians  may  interest  themselves  in 
politics  but,  tnat  the  Christian  Church  must  refrain  from  doing  so. 

In  our  midst  there  are  people  who  feel  that  under  no  circumstances 
should  a Christian  Church  or  organization  express  itself  in  regard  to  political 
affairs.  Others,  however,  feel  that,  under  certain  conditions,  Christian  bodies 
should  express  themselves  in  regard  to  political  matters,  especially  when  a 
moral  issue  is  involved  and  when  the  Christian  Church  is  affected  by  the 
problem.  Ordinarily,  the  Church  takes  no  part  in  party  politics,  but  when  a 
moral  issue  and  the  work  of  the  Christian  Church  are  involved  in  such 
matters,  her  voice  should  be  raised.  No  Christian  is  willing  to  admit  that, 
while  the  principles  of  Christianity  can  be  applied  to  the  personal,  family 
and  social  life,  yet  the  political  sphere  is  forbidden  ground  upon  which 
Christianity  cannot  trespass.  That  would  be  saying  that  the  principles  of 
Jesus  cannot  be  applied  in  this  field.  Many  of  the  Old  Testament  prophets 
were  men  who  voiced  the  will  of  God  regarding  the  national  destiny  of  the 
Hebrew  people.  They  were  essentially  great  figures  in  national  affairs.  In 
the  present  struggle  for  China’s  national  existence,  we  do  need  such  strong 
men,  like  the  prophets  of  old,  to  put  China’s  house  in  order,  and  we  have  no 
reason  to  think  that  Christian  men  cannot  be  such  prophets.  May  not  the 
Church,  too,  on  occasion,  lift  up  her  prophetic  voice  and  speak  clearly  on 
great  public  questions?  To  sum  up,  the  Christian  Church  is  neither  a run- 
ning dog  of  the  political  machine  nor  an  institution  that  lives  in  water-tight 
compartments.  It  is  not  easy  to  draw  the  line.  Discrimination  and  care 
must  be  exercised  in  dealing  with  such  matters. 

Has  Organized  Christianity  Been  Unduly  Criticized  by  Chinese 

Christians? 

The  so-called  Renaissance  movement  of  a few  years  ago  has  distinctly 
left  its  legacy  to  the  young  people  of  China,  namely,  the  spirit  of  criticism. 
They  put  a question  mark  to  almost  everything  in  life,  traditional,  customary, 
ethical,  moral,  social,  political,  religious  and  what  not.  They  take  nothing 
for  granted;  every  thing  must  be  scrutinized  and  studied.  This  critical  spirit 
has  also  found  its  way  to  the  Christian  Church.  So  not  a few  young  and 
thoughtful  Christians  in  China  have  been  studying  the  practices,  traditions, 
teachings,  rituals,  methods  of  the  Christian  Church  with  this  critical  spirit 
of  the  time. 

This  spirit  of  criticism  has  annoyed  some  and  staggered  others.  People 
feel  uncertain  as  to  the  direction  in  which  they  are  going.  They  also  feel 
that  Christianity  is  being  pulled  to  pieces  not  only  by  the  hostile  world  out- 
side, but  also  by  some  people  within.  This  fear  is  not  altogether  imaginary, 
because  we  do  find  that  various  motives  have  lain  behind  this  spirit  of  criti- 
cism. Indeed  there  are  some  who  rather  delight  in  finding  out  the  failings  of 
the  Christian  movement.  They  are  happier  to  dwell  upon  the  shortcomings 
of  the  Church  than  upon  its  achievements.  These  failings  do  not  seem 
to  hurt  their  sense  of  loyalty  to  Jesus  Christ.  They  rather  like  to  think  of 
the  Christian  movement  in  terms  of  its  darker  side.  With  such  people. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


6i 


indeed,  we  have  no  sympathy.  We  are  sorry  that  criticism  has  been  used 
as  a kind  of  weapon  to  deliver  blows  upon  the  Christian  Church  in  which 
they  claim  fellowship. 

Apart  from  this  undesirable  attitude  shown  by  some,  we  rather  think 
the  exercise  of  this  critical  faculty  in  regard  to  matters  religious  has  been 
more  beneficial  than  harmful.  Notwithstanding  the  many  half-baked  ideas 
that  have  been  expressed,  the  immature  judgments  that  have  been  stated, 
the  blunders  and  mistakes  that  have  been  made,  we  are  of  opinion  that  this 
critical  study  of  organized  Christianity  has  helped  many  to  a better  under- 
standing and  greater  appreciation  of  the  work  of  the  Christian  Church.  In 
not  a few  cases  the  Church  has  been  helped  by  these  criticisms.  This  spirit 
of  criticism  is,  we  believe,  far  better  than  the  former  attitude  of  indifference 
to  the  work  of  the  Chprch,  or  the  habit  of  swallowing  everything  that  is 
given  by  other^  without  proper  mastication. 

Is  Religious  Controversy  Undesirable  and  Harmful? 

Many  people  dislike  the  word  “controversy,”  thinking  it  is  something 
disagreeable,  unfriendly  and  antagonistic.  But  we  think  otherwise.  In  prac- 
tically nothing  do  we  think  alike.  How  can  we  expect  that  we  should  in 
matters  of  religion.  It  is  an  impossibility.  Progress  can  only  be  achieved 
when  we  differ,  and  our  differences  open  the  way  to  greater  light  and  deeper 
truth.  Even  in  our  own  thinking  there  is  frequent  change.  We  are  often 
inconsistent.  That  is  not  necessarily  a bad  thing.  Often  it  shows  that  our 
mind  is  growing.  We  think  controversy  rather  a helpful  element  than  a 
hindering  one.  Religious  controversy  often  means  a real  blessing  to  both 
parties,  so  that  men  are  enabled  to  see  not  only  one  side  but  both  sides  of 
the  shield. 

But,  if  such  a religious  controversy  is  to  be  made  really  beneficial  and 
helpful,  there  is  one  condition  that  must  be  strictly  observed,  otherwise  it 
does  more  harm  than  good.  The  one  condition  that  is  absolutely  essential  is 
what  we  call  “Christian  sportsmanship,”  which  is  another  way  of  saying  the 
love-spirit  of  Jesus  Christ.  If  we  cannot  keep  up  that  love-spirit,  we  are  tread- 
ing on  dangerous  ground  when  we  enter  upon  such  controversy.  We  do  not 
pray  for  the  removal  of  religious  disagreement,  for  we  do.  not  think  it  helps 
matters  if  we  all  think  alike.  But  we  do  earnestly  pray  that  the  spirit  which 
was  in  Christ  Jesus  may  bring  us  to  the  state  in  which  we  can  safely  engage 
in  such  religious  controversy.  We  are  not  qualified  to  enter  upon  this  field 
of  Christian  activities,  if  we  do  not  possess  the  virtue  of  Christian  sports- 
manship. By  this  love-spirit  or  the  absence  of  it,  we  will  be  judged. 

Who  Are  Olti  Worst  Enemies? 

That  we  have  many  enemies  is  a fact  that  calls  for  no  argument.  We 
think  the  anti-Christian  movement  that  seeks  for  the  destruction  of  Chris- 
tianity is  an  enemy.  The  communistic  teachings  that  have  nothing  to  do 
with  religion  and  are  hostile  particularly  to  Christianity  are  an  enemy.  The 
materialistic  and  atheistic  views  of  life,  which  believe  that  there  is  no  need 
of  a God  in  this  scientific  age  and  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  spread- 
ing of  religion,  may  also  be  regarded  as  our  enemies.  The  personal,  social, 
national  and  racial  sins  of  various  kinds  that  are  working  directly  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  work  of  the  Christian  religion  are  certainly  the  enemies  of 
Christianity.  All  these  can  be  found  in  China  to-day.  So  the  Christian 
Church  is  face  to  face  with  many  strong  opposing  forces.  It  is  like  a spir- 
itual tug  of  war  and  the  decisive  hour  has  not  yet  come. 

But  these  are  forces  from  without  and  are  comparatively  easy  to  deal 
with.  We  have  enemies  worse  than  all  of  these.  At  present  there  is  a good 
deal  of  trouble  in  China.  Many  Christian  people  have  suffered  much,  but  we 
are  unhappy  to  say,  in  quite  a few  cases  the  troubles  they  have  met  were 
caused,  not  so  much  by  the  outside  forces,  but  by  the  dissatisfied  and  dis- 
contented people  within  the  Christian  Church.  I need  hardly  illustrate  this 
point.  It  is  familiar  to  us  all.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  enemies  within  are 


62 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


worse  than  those  without.  Furthermore,  we  have  our  worst  enemies  often 
within  ourselves — the  spirit  of  narrow  nationalism,  of  social  distinctions,  of 
unfairness,  of  inconsideration,  of  impatience,  of  despair,  of  unpreparedness, 
of  uncharitableness,  that  have  revealed  themselves  in  word  and  deed,  are 
surely  the  worst  enemies  we  have  to  face.  We  can  never  hope  to  overcome  the 
evil  forces  without,  if  we  cannot  clear  ourselves  of  these  forces  of  darkness 
within  us. 

Are  There  Sufficient  Indications  of  a Bright  Future  foe  the  Christian 

Movement  in  China? 

Yes,  there  are.  Let  us  briefly  mention  a few  of  them.  We  must  recog- 
nize, in  the  first  place,  that,  while  there  has  been  such  a political  upheaval 
during  the  past  few  years,  the  essential  character  of  the  Chinese  people 
remains  practically  the  same.  We  see  the  great  waves  and  billows  that  are 
surging  on  the  surface  of  the  sea,  but  there  is  still  that  essential  calm  under- 
neath. It  is  reasonable  to  hope  that,  when  the  passing  cloud  has  blown  over, 
the  bright  sky  will  again  appear  on  the  horizon. 

Again,  in  this  national  movement  of  the  Chinese  people,  with  all  the 
undesirable  things  that  have  alarmed  us,  we  see  the  signs  of  life  and  that 
life  will  surely  grow.  The  sick  man  is  beginning  to  recover  from  his  illness. 
The  sleeping  lion  is  beginning  to  awake.  These  signs  of  life  are  seen,  not  so 
much  in  the  political  changes,  but  in  the  growing  national  consciousness  of 
the  people  which  clearly  indicates  a great  future  for  the  work  of  the  Chris- 
tian enterprise. 

Surely  the  seed  of  the  Christian  Church  planted  in  China  years  ago  is 
breaking  through  the  earth  and  sending  up  its  sprouts.  To  be  sure,  there 
are  still  many  signs  of  youth,  but  we  are  sure  that  since  there  is  life  there 
must  be  growth.  For  the  nurturing  of  such  a young  Church,  for  the  assist- 
ing of  such  a forward  movement,  for  the  establishing  of  such  a Christian 
fellowship  between  the  East  and  the  West,  in  a hundred  ways  the  Christian 
missionary  can  be  of  invaluable  service.  We  might  go  on  mentioning  other 
indications,  but  we  can  feel  sufficiently  sure  that  we  may  look  upon  the  future 
work  of  the  Christian  movement  with  assurance  and  encouragement. 


Exhibit  J. 

SUGGESTED  AGENDA 
For  Discussion,  Peking,  May  17-18,  1927. 

I.  Property 

1.  Shall  property  in  China  continue  to  be  vested  in  the  Board  at  New 
York,  or  shall  we  begin  to  turn  it  over  to  the  Church  in  China? 

(a)  The  question  of  deeds  and  titles,  and  the  stamping  of  deeds. 

2.  What  about  the  protection  of  property? 

3.  What  is  to  be  done  about  obligations  on  property? 

4.  What  is  meant  by  property  transfer?  To  what  forms  of  property  does 
this  apply?  What  is  to  be  the  disposition  of  properties  held  in  China  by  the 
Board  and  the  Society  for  revenue  purposes? 

II.  Missionary  Personnel 

1.  What  provision  shall  be  made  for  missionaries  who  are  on  forced 
leave  of  absence  from  their  stations?  How  shall  they  be  occupied  until  their 
return  ? 

2.  What  provisions  shall  be  made  for  the  return  of  missionaries  who 
may  be  specially  needed,  and  under  what  conditions  will  they  return? 

3.  What  voice  shall  be  given  to  the  Chinese  in  the  determining  or  in- 
fluencing of  the  recall  of  missionaries  to  the  field,  who  have  gone  to  America 
on  furlough  or  for  other  causes? 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA  63 

4.  What  is  the  place  of  the  missionary  in  the  future  program  of  the 
Christian  movement  in  China? 

5.  Has  the  time  come  for  a radical  reduction  in  the  missionary  staff? 
What  are  the  factors? 

6.  Is  the  salary  support  of  missionaries  in  China  adequate? 

7.  What  are  the  factors  to  be  taken  into  account  in  the  selection  and 
training  of  new  missionaries? 

8.  Shall  the  missionary  budget  be  subject  to  redistribution  on  the  field 
by  either  missionary  or  joint  groups,  or  shall  the  Board  be  entirely  respon- 
sible for  the  determination  of  that  budget? 

9.  Shall  the  locgl  Chinese  group  be  given  a voice  in  the  determining  of 
the  appointments  of  missionaries  on  the  field?  If  so,  how? 

III.  Missionary  Policy 

1.  What  forms  of  missionary  work  at  the  present  time  should  be  em- 
phasized? 

2.  What  is  the  method  by  which  our  major  missionary  policies  in  China 
are  to  be  studied  and  evaluated  in  the  future?  The  time  for  such  an  evalua- 
tion, if  it  is  found  necessary? 

3.  What  shall  be  the  policy  on  the  field  with  regard  to  cooperation  be- 
tween the  Society  and  the  Board? 

4.  What  place  do  funds  from  America  have,  in  the  future,  in  the  develop- 
ment of  church  and  institutional  life  in  China?  What  is  to  be  the  form  of 
administration  of  finances  from  abroad? 

5.  To  what  extent,  and  how  rapidly,  shall  there  be  a change  in  our  ad- 
ministrative policy? 

6.  If  it  is  desirable  to  transfer  the  administration  of  the  Church  in  China 
to  Chinese,  what  course  shall  be  followed  to  bring  that  about? 

7.  In  view  of  the  present  situation,  ought  we  to  consider  complete  with- 
drawal from  certain  fields  of  work  in  China?  On  what  basis? 

8.  What  is  to  be  our  future  policy  with  regard  to  concentration  of  effort 
as  over  against  expansion? 

9.  What  is  to  be  the  place  of  religious  education  in  our  future  program? 

a — Through  the  churches, 
h — Through  Christian  schools, 
c — Through  government  schools. 

IV.  The  Church  In  China 

1.  Are  we  to  pursue  the  policy  of  establishing  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  in  China  as  a part  of  our  international  organization,  or  are  we  to 
work  for  the  development  of  an  independent  Church  in  China? 

2.  Has  the  time  come  for  the  election  of  Chinese  to  the  episcopal  office? 
What  is  the  course  to  be  followed? 

3.  Under  our  present  organization,  how  far  are  the  Chinese  able  to  ex- 
press themselves  in  the  development  of  their  own  forms  of  religious  expres- 
sion and  church  organization? 

4.  What  are  the  strengths  and  weaknesses  of  the  Church  in  China,  as 
we  view  them? 

5.  How  can  the  development  of  responsible  group  action  in  the  Church 
be  secured? 

6.  Shall  the  present  relationship  between  the  Board  and  the  Church  in 
China  be  continued,  or  shall  some  such  change  be  made  as  has  come  about, 
for  example,  in  Japan? 

7.  What  needs  to  be  done  for  the  securing  and  training  of  an  adequate 
ministry  for  the  Church? 

V.  Education 

1.  What  is  to  be  our  policy  with  reference  to  the  registration  of  Christian 
schools? 

2.  Are  educationists  in  China  free  to  experiment?  Is  there  need  for 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


64 

experimental  work  in  education?  If  so,  in  what  directions?  Has  our  edu- 
cation become  standardized? 

3.  Is  the  religious  life  and  atmosphere  of  our  schools  satisfactory? 
What  is  suggested? 

4.  What  is  to  be  the  financial  basis  for  our  schools  in  the  future? 

5.  What  lines  of  educational  work  should  we  undertake? 

a — Normal  education? 
b — ^Schools  for  nurses? 

VI.  Geotiral 

1.  What  are  the  present  tendencies  in  Chinese  national  life  which  are 
actually  affecting  the  Christian  movement? 

2.  What  is  to  be  the  future  of  our  medical  work? 

3.  Shall  we  proceed  with  the  present  plans  for  holding  a Central  Con- 
ference for  Eastern  Asia  at  Seoul,  Korea,  in  November,  1927?  If  not,  what 
other  plans  shall  be  made?  Shall  China  return  to  the  organization  of  a 
Central  Conference  for  China  only? 

4.  What  steps  shall  be  taken  to  secure  the  adequate  representation  of 
educational  and  hospital  work  on  the  field  finance  committees? 


Exhibit  K. 

WHAT  IS  INVOLVED  IN  JOINING  THE  KUOMINTANG  PARTY? 

(Information  furnished  by  a group  of  senior  students  from  Fukien  Christian 
University  at  dinner  in  the  home  of  President  Gowdy.) 

I.  A list  of  questions  must  he  answered  to  determine  what  your  belief 
is  with  reference  to  the  party.  These  questions  are  as  follows: 

1.  What  is  your  attitude  toward  Kuomintang? 

2.  What  do  you  understand  about  the  principles  of  Kuomintang? 

3.  What  do  you  know  about  the  present  situation  in  China? 

4.  What  do  you  know  about  the  present  world  situation? 

5.  What  work  will  you  do  for  Kuomintang? 

II.  A list  of  personal  questions  must  also  be  answered,  as  follows: 

1.  What  is  the  economic  condition  of  your  family,  i.  e.,  are  you  able  to 
devote  your  time  to  the  service  of  the  party? 

2.  Are  there  others  dependent  upon  you  for  support? 

3.  What  is  your  previous  education? 

4.  What  is  your  income? 

5.  How  much  do  you  spend? 

This  list  of  questions  must  be  answered  and  sent  in  to  the  Central  Com- 
mittee. The  application  must  be  seconded  by  two  members  of  the  party. 
The  applications  must  be  written  in  duplicate.  One  is  sent  in  with  a photo- 
graph of  the  applicant,  and  the  other  is  kept  by  the  applicant.  If  the  appli- 
cant is  accepted,  he  is  furnished  with  a certificate  of  membership  in  the 
party. 

III.  Duties  of  members. 

1.  The  payment  of  monthly  dues  is  required,  on  a graduated  scale.  Stu- 
dents pay  two  dimes  (Mex.)  a month.  If  a member  fails  to  pay  his  dues 
for  three  months,  his  membership  is  revoked. 

2.  A member  must  be  present  at  every  meeting,  unless  he  presents  his 
excuse  to  the  committee  beforehand.  If  he  is  absent  without  letting  the 
committee  know,  three  times  in  succession,  his  membership  is  forfeited. 
The  meetings  are  held  locally. 

3.  Five  members  constitute  a minimum  for  the  organization  of  a local 
group.  Five  local  groups  constitute  a district  organization. 

. ^ representative  committee,  an  executive  committee,  and  a 

Judicial  committee  in  each  group. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


65 


Exhibit  L. 

LETTER  FROM  ERNEST  B.  PRICE 


American  Consular  Service 

Foochow,  China,  April  28,  1927. 

Dr.  Ralph  E.  Diffendorfer, 

Secretary,  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
Foochow,  China. 

My  Dear  Dr.  Diffendorfer: 

With  the  thought  that  it  might  be  useful  to  you  to  have  in  writing  some 
of  the  observations  I made  in  our  verbal  conversation  of  yesterday,  I should 
like  to  summarize  briefly  certain  of  the  ideas  then  expressed.  Naturally,  the 
present  letter  will  touch  only  on  matters  affecting  the  Consulate  officially. 


The  Evacuation  of  American  Citizens 

It  is  understood,  of  course,  at  the  outset,  that  the  points  of  view  of  an 
American  Consul  who  advises  Americans  to  leave  his  district  and  of  the 
persons  who  accept  the  advice  may  not  coincide.  In  short,  the  reasons  why 
the  Consul  gives  the  advice  may  be  quite  different  from  the  reasons  why 
an  individual  American  accepts  it.  I should  like  to  give,  briefly,  first  my 
own  point  of  view,  and  second  that  of  at  least  some  of  those  who  accepted 
my  advice  to  leave. 

One  of  the  principal  duties  of  an  American  Consul  anywhere  is  the 
protection  of  Americans  and  their  interests  within  his  district.  On  the 
other  hand,  even  in  China,  where  the  American  Government  enjoys  the  priv- 
ilege of  judicial  jurisdiction  over  its  nationals,  the  American  Government 
looks  primarily  to  the  Chinese  Government  for  the  protection  of  Americans 
and  their  interests  in  China,  tience,  so  long  as  the  Chinese  Government,  or 
a de  facto  local  Government,  displays  the  willingness  and  the  ability  to 
protect  Americans  and  their  interests,  the  American  Government  relies  upon 
it  to  do  so.  Whenever  the  Chinese  Government  shows  itself  either  unwilling 
or  unable  to  extend  protection,  then  the  American  Government  must  choose 
either  to  interpose  its  own  protection  or  to  advise  Americans  to  leave.  It 
has  been  sufficiently  obvious,  I think,  that  the  American  Government  has 
chosen  the  latter  course  in  China  during  the  events  of  the  past  few  months. 
Whether  or  not  an  individual  citizen  agrees  with  such  a course  is  beside 
the  point,  so  far  as  an  American  consular  officer  is  concerned.  A Consul  does 
not  make  national  policies;  he  follows  them. 

The  events  of  January  14th  to  17th  of  this  year,  with  which  you  are 
familiar,  convinced  me  as  American  Consul  that  the  persons  who,  at  the 
time,  held  the  actual  power  in  this  region  were  not  only  unwilling  to  protect 
American  life  and  property  but  were  definitely  committed  to  a policy  of 
driving  out  at  least  a certain  group  of  Americans  and  of  seizing  their 
properties.  It  was  my  duty  to  apprehend  whether  such  a policy  would  en- 
danger American  lives,  for  only  danger  to  life  itself  could  justify  me — in 
the  absence  of  an  announced  policy  of  the  American  Government  to  withdraw 
all  Americans  from  Nationalist-controlled  territories — in  advising  Americans 
to  leave  this  district.  I would  state  here,  frankly,  that  considerations  of 
policy,  for  example  whether  the  evacuation  of  a considerable  group  of 
Americans  would  help  bring  about  a change  in  control  or  policy  on  the 
part  of  the  local  de  facto  authorities,  held  no  place  in  forming  my  decision, 
which  was  based  solely  on  the  conviction  that  actual  danger  to  American 
life  existed.  In  my  conversations  with  Americans  gathered  in  conference 
at  the  Consulate  I sought  to  make  this  point  clear.  It  is  as  well  to  record 
here  my  conviction,  however,  that  the  evacuation  of  Americans  did  con- 
siderably help  bring  about  a change  in  control  and  in  policy  of  the  local 
de  facto  authorities.  It  might  be  well  further  to  record,  at  this  point,  that 
I am  credibly  informed  that  the  man  who  unquestionably  engineered  the 


66 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


Foochow  affair  of  January  16th  also  engineered  the  Nanking  affair  of 
March  24th,  which,  as  you  know,  was  considerably  worse.  I am  convinced 
that  this  man  and  his  agents  sought  to  bring  about,  in  Foochow,  precisely 
what  they  succeeded  in  bringing  about  in  Nanking,  and  that  their  purpose 
was  largely  thwarted  here  by  reason  of  the  wholesale  evacuation  of  Ameri- 
cans. 

With  the  departure  from  this  region  of  the  worst  elements  employed 
by  these  men,  it  was  then  my  duty  to  ascertain  whether  danger  to  American 
life  still  existed.  As  you  know,  in  the  latter  part  of  March  I informed 
Americans  that  I would  sanction  their  return,  believing  that  danger  to  life, 
locally,  within  certain  specified  areas,  had  passed,  but  my  sanction  was  dis- 
approved by  the  Legation.  The  subsequent  occurrence  of  the  Nanking 
and  other  incidents  caused  the  Legatioir  to  issue  me  instructions  to  con- 
centrate Americans  still  left  in  the  district  at  a point  suitable  for  evacua- 
tion by  American  naval  vessels.  In  response  to  inquiries,  those  instructions 
have  been  repeated. 

As  the  situation  now  stands,  therefore,  I must  consider  that  my 
superior  officers  regard  the  conditions  on  the  Yangtze  as  offering  the  pos- 
sibility of  trouble  of  such  magnitude  as  to  make  the  complete  evacuation 
of  Americans  from  all  Nationalist-controlled  territories  advisable.  In  con- 
sonance with  these  instructions,  therefore,  I have  asked  Americans  in  this 
district  so  to  reduce  their  numbers  as  to  make  prompt  evacuation  on  an 
American  destroyer  possible,  and  to  concentrate  on  the  Island  of  Nantai. 
In  justice  to  those  whose  duties  required  them  to  remain  until  the  last,  I 
also  urged  all  non-essential  persons  to  leave. 

Such  has  been  my  official  point  of  view.  Regarding  the  point  of  view 
of  those  who  accepted  my  advice,  you  doubtless  know  better  than  I,  but  I 
believe  the  majority  belief  was  that  it  was  the  duty  of  Americans  to  take 
such  action  as  would  eliminate  the  necessity  of  intervention  in  the  affairs 
of  China  by  the  American  Government.  Apropos  of  such  an  attitude,  there 
is  room  for  speculation  as  to  different  action  our  Government  might  have 
found  itself  able  to  take,  following  the  Nanking  affair,  had  not  an  American 
citizen — one  who  had  been  advised  to  leave  but  did  not — been  killed. 

While  the  present  position  of  this  Consulate,  on  the  question  of  further 
evacuation  or  the  return  of  those  who  have  left,  is  one  where  it  must 
await  further  instructions,  which  will  presumably  be  based  on  developments 
elsewhere  in  China,  I should  like,  before  leaving  this  question,  to  give  you 
a brief  glimpse  into  the  present  actual  situation  locally,  even  under  the 
so-called  “Moderate  regime.”  I can  do  no  better  than  send  you,  as  en- 
closures to  this  letter,  copies  of  an  exchange  of  notes  between  this  office 
and  the  Commissioner  for  Foreign  Affairs.  The  facts,  as  shown  in  that 
correspondence  and  which  will  subsist,  are  that  the  authorities  have  not 
made  and  decline  to  make  any  restitution  for  past  outrages;  they  have  not 
only  not  returned  but  have  continued  to  seize  Arnerican  private  property; 
they  have  declined  to  give  any  guarantees  of  religious  liberty  or  of  protec- 
tion for  American  missionary  schools;  they  have  declined  to  recognize  exist- 
ing treaty  agreements  between  China  and  the  United  States.  Thus,  should 
Americans  decide  to  return,  under  existing  conditions,  they  must  expect  to 
be  liable  to  forcible  seizure  of  their  properties;  to  a denial  of  the  privilege 
of  teaching  the  Christian  religion;  and  to  carry  on  without  any  charter 
or  privilege  other  than  the  caprice  of  a constantly  changing  governmental 
personnel.  Your  Society  must  itself  decide  whether  funds  contributed  for 
the  propagation  of  the  Christian  religion  can  attain  their  object  under  such 
conditions.  That  is  a matter  outside  my  official  province.  I can  only  tell 
you  what  conditions  actually  are,  in  addition  to  telling  you  what  my  present 
instructions  are. 


The  Protection  of  American  Interests 

As  previously  stated,  the  American  Government  looks  to  the  Chinese 
Government — and  this  includes  any  local  de  facto  Government — for  the 
primary  protection  of  its  citizens  in  China,  and  of  their  interests.  I believe 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


67 


I have  made  it  siifHciently  clear  that,  at  least  at  present,  the  American  Gov- 
ernment is  not  disposed  to  attempt  to  protect  its  citizens  in  this  district  by 
force,  and  that  it  is  at  least  extremely  doubtful  whether  the  de  facto  Govern- 
ment in  this  region  is  either  willing  or  able  to  protect  Americans  and  their 
interests.  Not  only  is  there  not  yet  stability  in  the  struggle  between 
opposing  forces  within  the  Nationalist  Government,  but  also  there  is  un- 
questionably current  throughout  all  parties  a belief  that  certain  forms  of 
foreign  enterprise  in  China  conflict  with  fundamental  tenets  of  the  National- 
ist faith.  One  of  these  forms  is  private  educational  enterprise.  Whether 
or  not  your  Society  decides  to  place  its  properties  and  funds  under  the 
control  of  Chinese  organizations  is  a purely  private  matter  and  outside  my 
jurisdiction,  but  I wish  to  state  as  clearly  as  possible  what  I consider  would 
be  the  actual  legal  status  of  such  enterprises  as  are  put  under  the  control 
of  persons  or  organizations  not  American.  Presumably,  the  transfer  of 
control  would  involve  either  the  gift  or  the  temporary  and  restricted  use  of 
certain  real  properties,  such  as  school  buildings.  In  either  case,  your 
Society  would  lose  the  right  to  American  consular  interposition  on  behalf 
of  the  organization,  as  such,  and,  even  in  the  case  of  properties  rented  or 
loaned,  it  would  be  extremely  difficult  for  the  Consulate,  once  such  arrange- 
ment were  made,  to  interpose  to  protect  your  owner’s  interest.  I believe 
that,  so  long  as  the  property  were  not  in  actual  danger  of  destruction  or 
injury,  you  would  have  no  right  to  request  the  interposition  of  the  Consulate 
except  for  the  ejection  of  the  lessees  for  non-fulfillment  of  contract.  For 
example,  should  the  organization  as  such — as,  let  us  say,  Anglo-Chinese 
College  under  Chinese  management  and  control — offend  the  law,  it  would 
be  the  Chinese  Government  that  would  hear  the  case,  and  Chinese  law 
applied.  A case  of  that  sort  has  already  occurred,  in  which  the  British 
Consul  complained  to  the  local  authorities — on  my  denial  of  jurisdiction— 
against  the  behavior  of  certain  of  the  students.  In  prosecuting  such  a case, 
the  local  authorities  would  have  the  right,  I think,  without  consulting  me, 
to  enter  any  of  the  Anglo-Chinese  properties,  and  take  any  action  short  of 
damaging  or  destroying  the  property  in  seeking  out  the  offenders  and  punish- 
ing them.  While  such  action  was  not  taken,  it  is  clear  that  conditions 
might  well  arise  where  one  political  faction  might  utilize  such  a complaint 
to  work  off  a grudge  against  another  faction,  or  where  a group  determined 
on  closing  out  the  school  would  utilize  the  opportunity  for  doing  so. 

In  short,  the  situation  would  be  simply  that,  whereas  institutions  which 
formerly  were  American  could  and  did  invoke  consular  aid  in  many  of 
their  problems,  they  could  not  do  so  after  control  has  passed  to  Chinese. 
You  could  only  invoke  consular  aid,  as  the  owner  of  the  property  for  the 
ejection  of  the  lessees  for  breach  of  contract.  It  must  be  obvious  that  such 
ejection,  even  granting  the  sympathetic  cooperation  of  the  local  authorities, 
would  be  extremely  difficult  to  effect. 

Relations  With  de  facto  Authorities 

I should  like  to  add  a word,  in  closing,  on  this  subject.  The  treaties 
between  China  and  the  United  States  are  valid  and  part  of  the  law  of  each 
country.  It  is  not  within  the  legal  competence  of  any  American  citizen  to 
break  those  treaties.  One  of  the  provisions  of  the  treaties — which,  I might 
add,  is  part  of  usual  international  practice^ — is  that  an  American  citizen 
can  communicate  with  the  local  authorities  only  through  his  Consul.  Such 
a provision  has  its  obvious  virtue  in  limiting  the  relationship  of  States  to 
certain  accredited  representatives,  and  also  in  obviating  the  creation  of 
conflicting  policies  in  such  relationship.  There  is  a reasonable  limit,  of 
course,  within  which  this  provision  applies,  but  common  sense  should  indi- 
cate what  questions  it  would  be  advisable  to  refer  or  leave  in  the  hands  of 
accredited  representatives.  I shall  raise  only  one.  If  and  when  your 
Society  decides  to  transfer  any  of  its  agencies  from  the  status  of  an  Ameri- 
can to  a Chinese  status,  particularly  when  such  transfer  involves  jurisdic- 
tion over  physical  properties,  I would  suggest  that  the  Consulate  be  oflicially 
informed,  and  that  the  notification  to  the  local  Chinese  authorities  be  left 


68 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


to  the  Consul.  It  takes  a skilled  acrobat  to  ride  two  horses;  and  in  inter- 
national relations  the  feat  is  impossible.  Your  agencies  cannot  have  a dual 
status;  they  cannot  be  both  American  and  Chinese.  They  must  choose  which 
they  will  be;  and  I suggest  it  is  both  just  and  in  reasonable  conformity  with 
the  treaties  that  the  Consulate  be  the  first  to  be  informed  of  any  change 
in  status. 

I fear  this  letter  is  over-long,  but  I felt  you  would  like  to  have  as  care- 
ful a description  as  possible  of  the  attitude  of  the  Consulate  toward  some 
of  the  aspects  of  the  present  situation. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

Ernest  B.  Price, 
American  Consul. 


Exhibit  il. 

A STATEMENT  TO  THE  AMERICAN  BOARD  AND  TO  THE  CONGREGA- 
TIONAL CHURCHES  IN  AMERICA 

Most  of  the  missionaries, of  the  North  China  Mission,  with  the  exception 
of  those  located  in  Peking  and  Tunghsien,  are  now  in  Tientsin  or  on  their 
way  to  places  outside  the  country,  summoned  on  consular  advice  and  that 
of  our  General  Secretary.  An  informal  meeting  of  the  available  members 
of  the  Mission  then  in  Tientsin  was  held  April  11-13.  Thirty-two  were 
present,  the  following  statement  was  adopted,  one  voting  in  the  negative 
and  one  refraining  from  voting. 

I.  The  Be.\ring  of  the  International  Situation  on  Our  Policy 
a.  Those  of  us  who  have  already  withdrawn  from  our  stations  have 
been  influenced  by  some  or  all  of  the  following  considerations: 

1.  The  Trend  of  Mission  Thinking.  For  several  years,  the  trend 
of  opinion  and  feeling  in  our  Mission,  like  that  in  the  American  Board, 
has  been  sympathetic  toward  the  national  aspirations  of  China  and 
against  foreign  military  pressure  being  used  in  China  in  this  time  of 
struggle  and  difficulty,  although  a few  members  of  the  Mission  may 
even  yet  feel  that  the  expression  of  our  attitude  should  be  left  to  our 
governmental  authorities.  As  early  as  1922,  a group  of  twenty-four 
in  our  Mission  began  serious  study  of  our  relations  to  the  international 
problems,  and  after  repeated  revisions  of  statements,  which  only  a part 
of  the  group  signed,  a final  statement  was  signed  by  all  in  March,  1924, 
and  was  sent  to  the  American  Minister  in  Peking.  In  part  it  read  as 
follows;  “We  express  our  earnest  desire  that  no  form  of  military 
pressure,  especially  not  foreign  military  force,  be  exerted  to  protect  us 
or  our  property  ....  no  punitive  expedition  be  sent  out  and  no 
indemnity  be  exacted.  We  take  this  stand  believing  that  the  way  to 
establish  righteousness  and  peace  is  through  suffering  wrong  without 
retaliation  and  through  bringing  the  spirit  of  good  will  to  bear  on  all 
persons  under  all  circumstances  ....  In  signing  this  statement,  we 
are  all  agreed  in  declaring  against  the  use  of  armed  foreign  force  and 
diplomatic  threats  or  indemnities  collected  by  our  government.” 

Though  this  position  was  not  supported  by  the  Mission  as  a whole, 
after  the  May,  1925,  incident  in  Shanghai,  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  a 
more  general  expression  of  our  attitude  grew  rapidly,  and  during  the 
autumn  of  that  year,  the  statement  given  below  was  signed  by  a large 
majority  of  the  Mission  and  in  December  was  sent  to  the  American 
Board  in  Boston.  Additional  signatures  were  obtained  early  in  1926,  so 
that  it  was  signed  by  111  members  of  the  North  China  Mission,  all  but 
six  or  seven  then  on  the  field  who  had  been  in  China  as  long  as  a year: 

“We,  the  undersigned,  conceive  it  to  be  part  of  our  task,  while  in 
China,  to  help  to  create  and  develop  mutual  understanding  between 
the  various  races  which  come  into  contact  with  one  another,  to  try 
to  remove  causes  of  international  friction,  and  to  stand  for  the  highest 
type  of  international  justice. 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


69 


“Finding,  in  the  treaties  between  our  country  and  China,  clauses 
which  we  believe  hinder  the  realization  of  these  aims,  we  desire  to  take 
a definite  stand  in  regard  to  them.  We  do  this  in  full  loyalty  to  our 
own  government,  with  a desire  to  see  expressed  in  China  the  principles 
of  honor  and  fair-play  which  we  believe  to  be  characteristic  of  the  best 
nationals  of  our  own  lands. 

“We  therefore  state  it  to  be  our  purpose  to  use  such  influence  as 
we  have,  both  with  our  governments  and  our  Mission  Boards,  toward 
securing  as  speedily  as  the  necessary  adjustments  can  be  made,  the 
modification  of'’ all  treaties  which  infringe  on  the  sovereignty  or  hinder 
the  progress  of  China,  and  to  urge  that  immediate  steps  be  taken  which 
will  lead  to  restoring  full  tariff  autonomy  and  the  withdrawal  of  the 
privileges  of  extra-territoriality  granted  to  foreign  residents. 

“Our  sense  of  responsibility  is  deepened  by  the  conviction  that 
for  Christian  missions  and  missionaries  longer  to  work  under  special 
rights  and  privileges,  granted  in  the  toleration  clauses  of  the  treaties, 
is  not  in  accord  with  Christian  principles,  and  we  therefore  wish  to 
urge  our  governments  to  take  decisive  steps  toward  their  early  removal.” 
In  February,  1926,  conviction  in  the  Mission  was  still  stronger,  and 
106  members  out  of  a total  of  114  who  are  American  citizens  (the  two  Swiss 
nationals  also  signing)  sent  a cable  to  the  American  Board  endorsing  a 
cable  which  had  just  been  sent  by  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  National 
Christian  Council,  expressing  the  desire  to  place  Chinese-American  relations 
on  a “cordial,  reciprocal,  equal  basis”  by  immediately  negotiating  a new 
treaty,  and  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible  military  measures  during  negotia- 
tions. Recent  events  have  made  temporary  withdrawal  from  China  the 
only  logical  outcome  of  this  attitude  and  of  our  deepening  convictions. 

2.  The  attitude  of  the  American  Government  toward  Protection. 
While  this  feeling  has  been  growing  in  the  Mission,  the  State  Depart- 
ment at  Washington  and  diplomatic  circles  in  China  have  alike  insisted 
that  the  duty  of  the  American  Government  to  protect  its  citizens  and 
their  property  and  to  secure  indemnification  in  case  of  loss  is  absolute, 
at  least  to  the  extent  of  their  ability,  and  in  no  wise  affected  by  the 
geographical  situation  of  the  citizens  or  by  their  own  desires  not  to  be 
protected.  To  remain  in  China  in  the  face  of  uncertainty  as  to  develop- 
ments means,  therefore,  to  run  the  risk  of  involving  the  governments  of 
China  and  the  United  States  in  diplomatic  or  military  complications. 

3.  In  most  of  the  stations,  upon  receipt  of  advice  from  the  consul, 
the  missionaries  consulted  with  the  best-informed  Chinese  associates  to 
ascertain  their  attitude  toward  their  remaining  or  withdrawing.  It 
was  then  uncertain  what  action  our  government  might  take  with  regard 
to  the  Nanking  incident,  but  it  was,  in  general,  the  judgment  of  the 
Chinese  consulted  that  in  case  of  disturbance  or  crisis,  the  presence  of 
foreigners  would  prove  more  of  an  embarrassment  than  an  aid,  although 
there  was  question  in  some  stations  as  to  whether  such  disturbances 
were  imminent  in  that  locality.  Most  missionaries  would  have  felt  it 
their  duty  to  remain  in  their  stations,  in  spite  of  personal  danger  and 
consular  orders,  if  they  had  believed  that  thereby  they  could  render 
service  in  encouraging  their  associates  and  carrying  on  the  work  that 
would  counter-balance  risk  of  personal  danger,  involving  international 
complications  in  the  event  that  anything  -happened  to  them. 

b.  In  view  of  the  situation  as  described  above  and  the  cabled  advice  of 
the  American  Board,  it  was  decided  on  April  11  that  all  whose  furloughs 
were  not  already  voted  should  withdraw  to  Korea  and  await  developments, 
but  this  action  will  be  referred  for  consideration  to  the  Council  which  is 
meeting  April  20. 

1.  In  taking  this  action,  all  but  three  of  our  members  present 
voted  for  this  policy  from  a deep  conviction  that  our  best  service  to 
China  and  the  cause  of  Christianity  in  China  can  be  rendered  only  by 
withdrawal  for  a time  from  the  country,  thereby  lessening  to  that 
extent  the  responsibility  of  our  government  for  the  protection  of  mis- 


70 


THE  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


sionaries  and  the  liability  that  our  presence  will  create  ill-will  and 
provoke  other  unfortunate  incidents  with  international  complications. 
We  feel  that  our  continued  presence  endangers  the  ultimate  attainment, 
through  a remaking  of  the  national  life^  of  the  peace  and  welfare  of 
China,  and  delays  the  day  when  China  shall  have  won  her  full  place 
in  the  family  of  nations  on  a basis  of  self-respecting  sovereignty.  We 
express  our  willingness  to  return  and  share  with  our  Chinese  co-workers 
the  joys  and  hardships  of  the  period  of  reconstruction,  but  we  at  present 
strongly  feel  that  the  work  of  foreign  missionaries  in  China  will,  in 
its  largest  implications,  be  futile  until  we  are  freed  from  the  incubus 
of  extra-territoriality  and  the  toleration  clauses  in  the  treaties. 

2.  A second  group  in  the  Mission  feels  that,  even  though  remaining 
in  the  work  may  lead  to  later  dipKomatic  complications  between  China 
and  America,  there  will  be  no  possibility  of  American  armed  interven- 
tion in  their  behalf  because  of  their  distance  from  treaty  ports,  and 
the  help  and  encouragement  they  can  render  to  the  Chinese  Church  in 
the  present  crisis  seem  to  them  to  outbalance  in  importance  the 'avoid- 
ance of  possible  causes  of  international  complications. 

3.  For  as  long  a period  as  may  be  d.esired  by  the  Chinese  churches, 
we  feel  it  necessary  to  maintain  the  financial  and  business  services  now 
rendered  by  the  business  office,  whether  by  the  presence  in  Tientsin  of 
one  of  the  missionaries  or  by  other  suitable  arrangements,  but  this 
whole  auestion  is  being  left  to  the  Council. 

II.  Tiif:  Be.^ring  of  Our  Action  on  the  Chinese  Church 

In  the  minds  of  many  of  us,  there  is  also  a feeling  that  such  a with- 
drawal will  have  more  than  a negative  value.  For  five  years,  the  anti-Chris- 
tian movement  has  based  its  animosity  on  the  supposed  foreign  and  im- 
perialistic elements  in  Christianity  in  China.  For  a longer  period,  the 
movement  for  an  indigenous  Church  has  felt  itself  hampered  by  what  has 
seemed,  in  some  Churches  and  Missions  far  more  than  in  others,  a reluctance 
to  hand  over  a due  share  of  responsibility  to  the  Chinese  Church  and  to 
local  boards  of  managers  of  institutions.  By  the  developments  of  the  last 
few  months,  several  conservative  Missions  have  been  forced  in  a few  days 
or  weeks  to  give  into  the  inexperienced  hands  of  their  Chinese  associates 
responsibilities  which  up  to  this  time  have  been  almost  entirely  borne  by 
foreign  missionaries.  In  the  North  China  Congregational  Union,  the  pro- 
gressive evolution  of  fifteen  years  has  given  us  in  every  station  a group  of 
experienced  Chinese  leaders,  to  whom  we  are  now  passing  over  the  full 
responsibility  for  the  work  in  church,  school  and  hospital.  Because  this  is 
being  done  in  a spirit  of  confidence  on  our  part,  and  with  consecration  and 
a deep  sense  of  the  responsibilities  involved  on  the  part  of  our  Chinese 
associates,  we  look  forward  with  faith  and  hope  to  the  future  development 
of  these  churches  and  institutions,  in  the  confident  expectation  that  those 
of  us,  whose  further  aid  as  advisers  and  helpers  may  still  be  desired  by  the 
Chinese  Church,  will  be  on  a far  more  natural  basis  and  in  a position  to 
render  far  more  effectual  aid  than  ever  in  the  past. 

III.  The  Bearing  of  Our  Action  on  the  American  Board  Support  of 

THE  Work 

With  confidence  in  our  Chinese  associates  growing  out  of  our  years  of 
fellowship  in  Christian  labor  with  them,  we  believe  that  it  is  even  more 
than  in  the  past  the  duty  and  privilege  of  the  American  Board  and  the 
Congregational  churches  to  continue  sympathy,  prayer,  and  financial  and 
other  assistance  to  the  churches  in  China,  regardless  of  whether  there  are 
American  representatives  associated  in  the  administration  or  not.  This 
will  be  of  high  value  in  demonstrating  that  our  Christian  thinking  and  love 
have  transcended  the  barriers  of  race  and  nationality  in  our  common 
devotion  to  Christ  and  His  Church  in  all  the  world. 


